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The present paper explores the use of vocatives in English films by comparing film dialogues with spontaneous spoken English. The main categories of vocatives are considered, namely first names, surnames, kinship terms, honorifics, familiarizers, endearments and insults Biber et al. The main aim is to assess how the address strategies most commonly employed by English speakers are reproduced on screen, trying to identify aspects of language that can be regarded as distinctive traits of film talk.

The study is based on data from the Pavia Corpus of Film Dialogue ca. The corpus was designed with a focus on highly dialogic films featuring characters of various social backgrounds and several interactional domains Freddi and Pavesi to offer a comprehensive picture of language use in contemporary filmic speech.

Data on the use of vocatives in spontaneous conversation are drawn from the British National Corpus and from previous corpus-based studies on American and British English. Preliminary results reveal a marked quantitative divergence between film talk and spontaneous speech, with audiovisual dialogue showing a significant higher frequency of forms across different categories of vocatives.

From a qualitative point of view, the analysis of brief extracts of film dialogue confirms the great flexibility of vocatives in the expression of interpersonal meanings, which encompass positive feelings of respect, friendship and affection, and negative attitudes of aggressiveness, hostility and contempt. Finally, instances of sociolinguistic variation in address practice are found in the vocatives chosen by scriptwriters for the stereotypical characterization of members of specific social classes e. Longman grammar of spoken and written English.

Harlow, UK: Pearson. Braun , Frederike. Terms of Address: Problems of patterns and usage in various languages and cultures. Vocatives in subtitles. A survey across genres. In Christopher Taylor ed. The role of E-corpora in translation and language learning. Trieste: EUT.

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Language and human relations. Styles of address in contemporary language. Linguistic and translational insights. Kozloff , Sarah.

Anredepronomen

Overhearing film dialogue. Leech , Geoffrey. The distribution and function of vocatives in American and British English conversation. Studies in honour of Stig Johansson. Amsterdam: Rodopi. Quaglio , Paulo. Television dialogue: The sitcom Friends vs. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. After this, however, the subject seems only to have raised interest in Brazil ex: Faraco , Lopes e Duarte , Lopes In the case of contemporary European Portuguese society, the case is frequently made for a sociological and linguistic approach to its address systems Gouveia , but the subject still lacks empirical work.

This is because the address system is complex, with such complexity recognised by the author, who had, necessarily, to restrict its study With this presentation, I intend to resume, at least modestly, the study of the address system in European Portuguese, from a diachronic perspective. The author claims that, during the 18 th century Cintra , the pronoun began to be employed for a single speaker even in contexts of familiarity.

For this presentation, I will use a corpus of 3, private letters written between and by people from all social backgrounds, such as, for example, a letter by Helena Costa, written to her husband in , complaining about his absence Letters are a fundamental source for linguistics, as they can reveal many aspects of language usage absent from the literary or institutional discourse.

Also, because these kinds of private documents reflect language in a historical context, they become extremely important for an analysis of pragmatic phenomena, such as the address forms, being as they are fundamental structures for the understanding of the social and cultural relations between participants in communicative acts Blum-Kulka Blum-Kulka , Shoshana.

In Teun A. Van Dijk ed.


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Barcelona: Gedisa. Lisboa: Livros Horizonte. Faraco , Carlos Alberto. Fragmenta 13, Gouveia , Carlos. Duarte eds. In Guiomar Ciapuscio et al. It is well known that the Chilean variety comprises a particular set of ToAs. On the one hand, it contains three pronominal and verbal forms, i. On the other hand, Chilean Spanish also particularizes some nominal ToAs. In general, few linguistic studies have paid attention to nominal titles. Nevertheless, they could provide interesting broadening findings on the use of ToA in general, for example on a their specific relational and communicative values, useful for politeness research, b their frequency against and interplay with pronominal and verbal terms, or c different forms and uses among the Spanish varieties.

Especially the latter, an insulting form, typifies oral Chilean Spanish and signals a range of peculiar features. However, no scientific study has ever focused on this phenomenon. Finally, it has developed several derivational meanings and uses e. On the one hand, its etymology, general Hispanic distribution, and meanings and uses in Chile will be considered.

On the other hand, through an exploratory corpus analyse, I will investigate the use of the form in relation to situational and sociolinguistic factors, as well as its correlation with the use of the three pronominal and verbal Chilean ToAs. Since the term is extremely frequent in Chilean speech, a better understanding of its use and meaning is primordial for any scientific study that examines oral Chilean language. Albelda Marco , M. Briz , A. Hidalgo , M. Albelda , J. Bishop , K. Forms of Address in Chilean Spanish.

Hispania 93, 3, Helincks , K. Hernes , S. Un estudio contrastivo. Universitetet i Bergen. Rivadeneira , M. Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Stevenson, J. The sociolinguistic variables of Chilean voseo. University of Washington. Acerca del Voseo Culto de Chile. Hispania 69, 3, Hummel , B. Addressing cultures in conflict? Usage of first names in service encounters. The majority of earlier research on addressing has concentrated on attitudes towards current practices or the conceptions the speakers have of their own language use. Instead, we know less how address forms are used in reality or how the usage and attitudes are related to each other.

Our paper presents a case study in which these both perspectives are present. Our study deals with the usage of first names and attitudes related to it in the American coffee house chain Starbucks. Unlike in many other languages and cultures, first names are only rarely used in Finnish when addressing interlocutors.

In our study, we have approached addressing in Starbucks from different perspectives and by analysing data from several sources. The starting point of the study was an Internet discussion followed by a newspaper article. In addition, we provoked a discussion by writing a blog and doing inquires in Facebook. The data collected in the media have been compared with ethnographic observations in authentic service encounters and interviews with waitresses and clients.

By comparing the data, we can see both similarities and dissimilarities in the justifications of negative and positive arguments towards the use of the first name. The main arguments are related to cultural differences between American and Finnish service cultures. The discourse is analysed within the framework of language ideologies.

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The Finnish case study has been complemented by a contrasting part in France which opens up a cross-cultural dimension. While the general scientific literature concerning terms of address is vast and still burgeoning, there is an astonishing lack of accounts how forms of address are translated. Also, most studies are not corpus-based and focus on pronominal address, to the detriment of nominal address. Translation studies have repeatedly shown that, in translated texts, the source language 'shines through' Teich on the morphological and syntactic levels.

In my talk — based on a corpus of literary translations of German, French, and Spanish contemporary authors — I will present evidence in support of Berger's and Nord's observation that nominal address, in fact, closely follows the source language's terms of address. For pronominal address, however, the target language's address norms appear to be more important, and no shining through-effect was observed.

Building on these insights, I will then propose a systematic account of the strategies of translations followed. Berger , Tilman. In Kempgen , Sebastian ed. Nord , Christiane. Band 2. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Teich , Elke. Cross-linguistic variation in system and text: a methodology for the investigation of translations and comparable texts.

Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Heinz L. Address forms in language contact and language conflict: German Sie and onikanje in some Slavic languages. The use of the grammatical 3 rd p. Simon is a rather specific German development that has been well researched in its diachronic development e. Listen ; Simon ; Apart from Modern Bavarian which is arguably a regional variety of Modern High German , only a few neighbouring languages, such as Danish, Czech, Slovak, Slovene, and some dialects of Polish have borrowed this German V address.

This paper deals with diachronic and synchronic sociolinguistic aspects of Slavic borrowings of the German V address form. This was particularly the case in Czech cf. Betsch , where linguistic nationalism, hand in hand with political nationalism, was particularly strong in the context of a painfully perceived disadvantage of Czechs within the Austrian and from , Austro-Hungarian Empire during the 19 th century. However, other languages, such as Slovene cf. Reindl , went through a similar development. Betsch , Michael. The emergence of German polite Sie : cognitive and sociolinguistic parameters.

New York: Peter Lang. Reindl , Donald F. Language contact, German and Slovenian. Bochum: Brockmeyer. Simon , Horst J. Address and introduction in German and English in an intercultural academic setting. The way we address one another in first encounters and how we introduce ourselves and others is fundamental in marking social relationships and sometimes involves careful consideration and even agonising.

This paper focusses on speakers of German as L1 and their introduction behaviour at international conferences, both in their L1 German and in English as a lingua franca at international conferences. The English introduction behaviour of German L1 speakers is compared to that of L1 speakers of several national varieties of English. Our results indicate that German speakers often behave differently in introductions, depending on whether speaking their L1 German or their L2 English.

They tend to over-generalise what they perceive as a rather informal way of addressing and introducing in English and to be more informal than many native speakers of English in introductions at international conferences when using English as a lingua franca. Clyne , Michael.

Address in intercultural communication across languages. Intercultural Pragmatics 6. Formentelli , Maicol. Address strategies in a British academic setting. Pragmatics Economidou-Kogetsidis , Maria. Journal of Pragmatics Kretzenbacher , Heinz L. Meet and greet. Address and introductions in intercultural communication at international conferences.

In press. Address and introduction across two pluricentric languages in intercultural communication. Okamura , Akiko. Do English speakers address their Japanese colleagues by their first name, while talking in English in Japan? Multilingua T- or V-form or both of them? Variation in Finnish service encounters. Pronouns can be dropped out when the person appears in verb inflection or possessive suffixes lue t , talo nne. However, during the last decades, the development has been partly controversial.

However, we know less how address forms are used in reality. My study focuses on the variation between T fi. I will show that the age of the client is the main factor explaining variation: generally speaking, young clients are addressed with T-forms and old clients with V-forms.

However, the middle-aged are addressed with both forms — even during the same conversation. The detailed analysis reveals that this type of variation is not always a mark of incompetence of the speaker, but it can be used for strategic purposes or is motivated by the on-going activity. The methods of sociolinguistic variation analysis and conversation analysis are combined. The data consist of 77 service encounters video-taped at five Finnish Social Security offices situated in different parts of Finland, and 50 telephone calls tape-recorded at the Customer Contact Centre of the Social Insurance Institution.

The research is related two projects investigating interactive practices in customer-service situations organized by the Institute for the Languages of Finland. The changes in the address pronoun system in Brazilian Portuguese.

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The data set for this analysis was extracted from the Diachronic Corpus of Private Letters www. Scherre , M. Lucca , E. Dias , C. The Handbook of Historical Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Both the Swedish and German address system have two second person singular address pronouns: less formal du sw. In addition, two developments were observed for the Swedish system during the second half of the 20th century:.

Moreover, the current state of affairs for Swedish address pronouns in official language is rather unclear. The present study aims to fulfill this academic void. In my talk, I will discuss my results from my corpus-based study in detail the corpus consists of bureaucratic letters and brochures from untill today with totally letters and 10 brochures from each decade and language.

In short, my results can be summarized as follows:. Becker-Mrotzek , Michael. Die Sprache der Verwaltung als Institutionensprache. In Lothar Hoffmann ed. Bratt Paulston , Christina. Pronouns of address in Swedish: social class semantics and a changing system. Det nya niandet. Informaliseringen av Sverige. Stockholm: Natur och Kultur. Simon , Horst. Synchronie, Diachronie und Typologie der deutschen Anredepronomen. Address terms in intercultural email communication: Argentinian Spanish and German in conflict.

It is very interesting to analyse misunderstandings in email communication often due to missing intonation within the same speech community. But it is even more interesting to have a look at email interaction between cultures and languages that have developed different politeness systems, such as the Argentinian and the German society. Whereas German as a Germanic language seems to prefer rather negative politeness strategies, Argentinian Spanish as a Romance language works with rather positive politeness strategies, though recent studies point out that Argentinian culture is perhaps the less positive polite of the Hispano-American cultures.

The samples I collected from to consist of messages written in German or Spanish by students L1 Spanish to their German teachers. These have to be taken into account when producing formal, semiformal or informal emails. Spanish address pronouns can even change their grammatical function when used to mitigate orders or requests, as we see in Argentinian Spanish and Costa Rican Spanish.

Brown, P. Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Ziegler eds. Kommunikationsform E-mail. Martins Meireles , S. Dissension and Face-work Strategies in German Dialogues. Moser, K. Schrader-Kniffki ed. Reb Couto eds. Ehrhardt, E. Yamashita eds. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, Watts, R. Gentlemen Before Ladies? The present study focuses on word order patterns in English personal binomials and argues that conjunct order in this binomial type is partly subject to other factors than those shown in earlier research on binomials in general. On the theoretical level, mixed-gender personal binomials are discussed as linguistic instantiations of dominance and difference thinking in relation to gender.

On the empirical level, the paper presents an in-depth case study of personal binomials in the written component of the BNC. The factor with the highest impact on conjunct order is found to be lexical gender. Moreover, the modifying influence of a range of other factors is tested. Among these are factors that have proven relevant in earlier research on word order in binomials phonology, orthography, conjunct frequency as well as factors that have so far not or only sporadically been tested lexical field, morphology, sex of author, target audience sex.

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Finally, the findings are related to more recent theoretical discussions of the relationship between language and gender. Additionally, the semantics of the subjunctive subordinate marker vs. The study thus justifies a fine-grained analysis to uncover subtle differences that may be present even in areas that share overall linguistic preferences.

Additionally, in voseo varieties the verbal paradigm is mixed. Pairs of questionnaire items targeted the imperative, the present indicative, and the preterite, and three pairs of questions enquired about the present subjunctive in its various uses subordinate, negative request, negative command.

All items corresponded to informal relationships, and in the two questions about a given form, one addressee was male and the other female. Responses were tabulated, quantified, and compared to establish the effect of the independent variables of verb form, speaker provenance, and addressee gender. By contrast, the present subjunctive was affected by all three independent variables. Second, voseo usage doubled when the addressee was male.

Thus, historical links across a national border prove strong, in spite of the pull of the metropoli. Usted le dice:. You know that he tends to be late. You tell him:. Behares , Luis E. In Adolfo Elizaincin ed. Somerville, Mass. Bertolotti , Virginia. La peculiaridad del sistema alocutivo singular en Uruguay. Revista de la Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias.

Variation in the tuteo and voseo negative imperatives in Argentine Spanish. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 17 2 , Mendoza , Reinhild B. Der Voseo im Spanischen Uruguays. Eine pluridimensionale Makro- und Mikroanalyse. Kiel: Westensee-Verlag. Spanish in Context 5 1 , Steffen , Joachim. El tratamiento en el Uruguay. Address practices and interpersonal relationships in Finland-Swedish and Sweden-Swedish medical consultations.

The way in which we address one another is crucial to expressing interpersonal relationships and is closely associated with contextual factors and socio-cultural values of the particular speech community. In our workshop presentation we focus on how interpersonal orientations are expressed and managed through address practices in Finland Swedish and Sweden Swedish by examining one particular activity: medical consultations. You must have been in the same English class as me! Do not ever remember the teachers talking about nominative, genitive and dative!

Never heard that there either lol. Very often, Just think of it as the plural form of "du". Informal plural So whenever you're talking to a group of your friends, that's how you address them. I never knew the pitch of words was an indicator of its meaning. I will listen more closely. I trip up on this one too. Surely it makes sense as 'ihr' is the plural of 'you'? Just as we usually say "we are playing" and not "we all are playing". The German sentence doesn't contain such an adverb -- it doesn't say ihr spielt alle but simply ihr spielt.

It means "her" or "you plural. This sentence is not accusative. Even in accusative "she" is "sie". Only in dative and as a possesive pronoun does "ihr" mean "her". How would you say I play the piano and you play the piano- would you use the same words ,Spielen und Spielt. I was confused because this sentence defined 'spielt' as "is playing" So I got it wrong by entering: "We are playing and you is playing. You is always conjugated with "are" when using the present continuous. How do you know if it's spielt or spielen? Don't know how to use these cases tables to figure it out. It's not one of the accepted alternatives, no -- why do you use a different tense for the two verbs?


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  • It would make most sense for them to be the same, either both present simple or both present continuous. Why are they different? I mean the two 'are playing'? Can anyone tell me how do we use it for he, she, it, you, you plural and we? Is there a significant difference between "We play" and "We are playing"? As far as im aware German doesnt have gerunds, so why is "We are playing and you play" marked incorrect?

    In English, "we play" is used for habitual or repeated actions, "we are playing" for something that is happening right now. In general, you would speak about either one or the other, and so "We are playing and you are playing" is accepted as a translation here as well as "We play and you play", but not sentences where the aspect switches in the middle of the sentence like that. Message to DUO.

    This question asks to select the missing word BUT there are no words to choose from. I'm having real problems since the last upgrade. Can't use Duolingo in this format. Please look into it, Thanks. While "Du" is from what I understand for use with people with whom you have become familiar enough with to depart from the use of "Sie," I capitalise it out of courtesy and respect. I do the same for "Ihr. Please share your thoughts But on Duolingo, we are not writing letters.

    I recommend using the normal forms du and ihr lowercase. Had the "ihr" been capitalised, it would have been clearer to me that it is plural. Of course, this would have also make the statement a formal one, which was probably other than intended Using Ihr spielt as a formal form was something used maybe years ago, but in modern German, ihr is only plural and informal. I wrote "I play and you play" and it marked it wrong.

    German has no progressive tenses; therefore, how can my answer be wrong? It's wrong because the sentence is WE play and you play. Not I play and you play. It would be more helpful if you commented on what you think the problem is, rather than posing enigmatic puzzles. Get started. Topic: German. July 2, Losing hearts by missing ""Ihr" for "Er" and vice versa :.

    May 30, Here ihr is in smallcase, hence shouldn't it be her instead of you? DavidGeib1 If ihr is plural in this sentence, wouldn't the verb at the end of the sentence end with 'en? January 4, Thus you have ihr spielt. Tamara September 7, FLchick Not being snarky, but nominative, genitive and dative have no meaning for me. May 16, SteveJawor May 4, April 24, How often is 'ihr' used in German?

    Is it exactly like 'vosotros' in Spanish? September 17, February 24, Yes, pretty much like vosotros in Spanish as spoken in Spain. July 12, April 8, September 23,