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A resonant scenario? Then there is religion. In the second and third centuries the establishment was threatened by fanatical individuals and dissident groups, who challenged the law, the state religion, the social order, agitating the underprivileged, that is the poor and women and even slaves , and seeking conspicuous and showy martyrdom for their beliefs without compromise. Does one forcibly suppress them or attempt to acculturate, to absorb them into the political and social structures? Who were they?
The dangerous Christians, of course. Suppression was tried, and it failed. One individual the emperor Constantine was the catalyst of that failure and of the more inclusive approach which within a century led to the accumulation of massive wealth by the Church and to the conversion of individuals, families and social groups at the highest political and economic levels across the empire.
But it was never exactly one homogeneous and harmonious community — there were and still are still huge sectarian and doctrinal differences within it, for which people were prepared to fight and to die. What can this tell us about the future of global modern civilisation? Are the lessons of agrarian empires applicable to our postth Century period of industrial capitalism? Collapse may be a normal phenomenon for civilisations, regardless of their size and technological stage.
I would argue that they are. Societies of the past and present are just complex systems composed of people and technology. So collapse may be a normal phenomenon for civilisations, regardless of their size and stage. We may be more technologically advanced now. But this gives little ground to believe that we are immune to the threats that undid our ancestors. Our newfound technological abilities even bring new, unprecedented challenges to the mix. And while our scale may now be global, collapse appears to happen to both sprawling empires and fledgling kingdoms alike.
There is no reason to believe that greater size is armour against societal dissolution. Our tightly-coupled, globalised economic system is, if anything, more likely to make crisis spread. View image of Building falling into sea. If the fate of previous civilisations can be a roadmap to our future, what does it say? One method is to examine the trends that preceded historic collapses and see how they are unfolding today. While there is no single accepted theory for why collapses happen, historians, anthropologists and others have proposed various explanations, including:.
The collapse of the Anasazi, the Tiwanaku civilisation, the Akkadians, the Mayan, the Roman Empire, and many others have all coincided with abrupt climatic changes, usually droughts.
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This ecological collapse theory, which has been the subject of bestselling books , points to excessive deforestation, water pollution, soil degradation and the loss of biodiversity as precipitating causes. The field of cliodynamics models how factors such as equality and demography correlate with political violence. Statistical analysis of previous societies suggests that this happens in cycles. As population increases, the supply of labour outstrips demand, workers become cheap and society becomes top-heavy.
This inequality undermines collective solidarity and political turbulence follows. Societies are problem-solving collectives that grow in complexity in order to overcome new issues. However, the returns from complexity eventually reach a point of diminishing returns. After this point, collapse will eventually ensue. This refers to the ratio between the amount of energy produced by a resource relative to the energy needed to obtain it. Like complexity, EROI appears to have a point of diminishing returns.
In his book The Upside of Down , the political scientist Thomas Homer-Dixon observed that environmental degradation throughout the Roman Empire led to falling EROI from their staple energy source: crops of wheat and alfalfa. The empire fell alongside their EROI. Tainter also blames it as a chief culprit of collapse, including for the Mayan. The Aztec Empire, for example, was brought to an end by Spanish invaders. Most early agrarian states were fleeting due to deadly epidemics.
The concentration of humans and cattle in walled settlements with poor hygiene made disease outbreaks unavoidable and catastrophic. Sometimes disasters combined, as was the case with the Spanish introducing salmonella to the Americas. Evolutionary biologist and data scientist Indre Zliobaite and her colleagues have observed a similar pattern in the evolutionary record of species.
What we do know is this: the factors highlighted above can all contribute. Collapse is a tipping point phenomena, when compounding stressors overrun societal coping capacity. We can examine these indicators of danger to see if our chance of collapse is falling or rising. Here are four of those possible metrics, measured over the past few decades:. View image of Graphics showing collapse risk rising. Temperature is a clear metric for climate change, GDP is a proxy for complexity and the ecological footprint is an indicator for environmental degradation. Each of these has been trending steeply upwards.
Inequality is more difficult to calculate. The typical measurement of the Gini Index suggests that inequality has decreased slightly globally although it is increasing within countries. However, the Gini Index can be misleading as it only measures relative changes in income. Importantly, wealth inequality is even worse. The reality is likely to be starker as these numbers do not capture wealth and income siphoned into overseas tax havens. Under them were four Praetorian prefectures, regional administrative units with their staffs and their budgets.
Under these four prefectures, there were then 12 dioceses , each diocese having its administrative staff and so on. Under the diocesan rulers, the vicars of the dioceses, we have the provinces. In Augustus's time there were approximately 20 provinces.
8 Reasons Why Rome Fell - HISTORY
Three hundred years later, with no substantial increase in territory, there were over a hundred provinces. The Romans had simply divided and subdivided provinces for the purposes of maintaining internal military control of the regions. In other words, the cost of policing and administrating the Roman state became increasingly enormous. All these costs, then, are some of the reasons why the inflation took place; I'll get to others in a moment.
To give you some idea of the situation after Constantine's reform of the gold, let me just briefly give you the figures for what it cost in terms of the denarius, the silver coinage, or token coinage now, to buy a pound of gold. In Diocletian's time, in the year , he fixed the price at 50, denarii for one pound of gold. Ten years later it had risen to , In , 23 years after it was 50,, it was now , In , the year of Constantine's death, a pound of gold brought 20,, denarii.
And by the way, just as we are all familiar with the German currency of the s with the bigger stamp on it, the Roman coinage also has stamps over stamps on the metal, indicating multiples of value. At one point, one of the Roman emperors had a marvelous idea: instead of issuing coins he devised a method to handle the inflation.
He took brass slugs, put them in a leather pouch, and called it a follis ; and people began passing these pouches back and forth as value. I guess it was the Roman equivalent to those baskets of paper we see in the pictures of Germany in the s. Interestingly enough, within ten years or so after that began, the word follis — which had meant this bag of coins — had now drifted to mean just one of those brass slugs.
One of those slugs was now the follis. They couldn't even keep the bags stable, they too were inflated. Now one interesting thing with all this inflation should be a great comfort to us: historians of prices in the Roman Empire have come to the conclusion that despite all of this inflation — or perhaps we should say, because of all of this inflation — the price of gold, in terms of its purchasing power, remained stable from the first through the fourth century.
In other words, gold remained, in terms of its purchasing power, a stable value whereas all this other coinage just became increasingly worthless.
What were the causes of this inflation? First of all, war. The soldiers' pay rose from denarii during the time of Augustus to denarii in the time of Domitian, about a hundred years later. A century after Domitian, in the time of Septimius, it had gone from to denarii; and in the time of Caracalla, about 10 years later, it had gone to denarii.
In other words, the cost of the army was also rising in terms of the coinage; so, as the coinage became more worthless, the cost of the army had to be increased. The advance in the soldiers' pay in the rest of the 3rd century and into the 4th century is not known; we don't have figures. One reason is that the soldiers were increasingly paid in terms of requisitions of supplies and goods in kind. They were literally given food, clothing, shelter, and other commodities in lieu of pay.
This applied also to the civil service. When one Roman emperor refused to pay a donative on his accession — this was a bonus given to the soldiers on the accession of the emperor — he was simply murdered by his troops. The Romans had had this kind of problem even in the days of the Republic: if the soldiers don't get paid they rather resent it.
What we find is that the donatives had been given on the accession of a new emperor from the time of Augustus on. In the 3rd century, they began to be given every five years. By the time of Diocletian, donatives were given every year, so that the soldiers' donatives had in fact become part of their basic salary. The size of the army, I indicated already, had also increased. It had doubled from the time of Augustus to that of Diocletian. And the size of the civil service also increased.
Now, all these events strained the fiscal resources of the state beyond its ability to sustain itself; and the ship of state was kept going, frequently by debasing, then by taxing, and then often simply by accusing people of treason and confiscating their estates. Now, what were the consequences of inflation? One of the odd things about inflation is, in the Roman Empire, that while the state survived — the Roman state was not destroyed by inflation — what was destroyed by inflation was the freedom of the Roman people.
Particularly, the first victim was their economic freedom. Except in emergencies, which were usually related to war, the Roman government generally followed a policy of free trade and minimal restriction on the economic activities of its population. But now under the pressure of this need to pay the troops and under the pressure of inflation, the liberty of the people began to be seriously eroded — and very rapidly.
We could start with the class known as the decurions. This was your prosperous, small- and middle-landowning class who were the dominant elements of the cities of the Roman Empire. They were the class from whom the municipal counsels, magistrates, and officials were chosen. Traditionally, they had viewed service in the governments of their towns as an honor and they had donated, not merely their time, but also their wealth to the betterment of the urban environment.
Building stadiums and bathhouses, and repairing the streets and providing for pure water were considered benefactions. It was a kind of philanthropic act and their reward was, of course, public recognition and esteem.
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This class, in the mid-3rd century, was assigned the task of collecting the taxes in the municipality. The central government could no longer collect its taxes effectively, so they made the decurion class collectively responsible for getting revenues and passing them on to the imperial government. The decurions, of course, had as much difficulty as anyone else in doing this, and the returns were, again, frequently inadequate.
So the government solved that problem by simply passing a law that any taxes that decurions could not collect from others, they would have to pay out of their own pockets. That's known as the incentive method for the tax collector. As you can well imagine, as the crises became greater and the economy was disrupted by civil conflicts and invasions and the effects of inflation, the decurions, strangely enough, no longer wanted to be decurions.
They began to abandon their lands, abandon their cities, and escape to wherever they could find refuge in other larger cities or other provinces. But they were not to be allowed to do that with impunity, and a law was then passed that any decurion discovered somewhere else was to be arrested, bound like a slave, and carted back to his hometown where he would be restored to his dignity as a decurion.
The 3rd century is also the period of the persecution of the church. We find that at least some of the emperors must have had a sense of humor because they passed a regulation that if a Christian was arrested and found guilty of a capital crime, namely believing in Christ, he was not to be executed but offered the option of becoming a decurion. Now, the merchants and the artisans were traditionally organized into guilds and chambers of commerce and that sort of thing.
They now, too, came under government pressure because the government could not obtain enough material for the war machine through regular channels — people didn't want all that token coinage. So merchants and artisans were now compelled to make deliveries of goods. So that if you had a factory for making garments, you now had to deliver so many garments to the government requisitions.
If you had ships, you had to carry government goods in your ships. In other words, what we have here is a kind of nationalization of private enterprises, and this nationalization means that the people who use their money and their talent are now compelled to serve the state whether they like it or not. When people tried to get out of this they were then, by law, compelled to remain in the occupation that they were in. In other words, you couldn't change your job or your business. This was not sufficient because, after all, death is a relief from taxes.
So the occupations were now made hereditary.
Economic Reasons for the Fall of Rome
When you died, your son had to take up your profession. If your father was a shoemaker, you had to be a shoemaker. These laws started by being restricted to the defense-oriented industries but, of course, gradually it was realized that everything is defense-oriented. The peasantry, known as the coloni , were leaseholders on both imperial and private estates. They too were formerly a free class. Now under the same kinds of pressures that all smallholders were in in this situation, they began to drift away, trying to find better opportunities, better leases, or better occupations.
So under Diocletian the coloni were now bound to the soil. Anyone who had a lease on a particular piece of land could not give that lease up. More than that, they had to stay on the land and work it. In effect, this is the beginning of what in the Middle Ages is called serfdom, but it actually has its origins here in late Roman society. We know for example from studies of Palestine, particularly in the Rabbinical writings, that in the course of the 3rd and early 4th century the structure of landholding in Palestine changed very dramatically.
Palestine in the 2nd century was mostly composed of peasant landholders with very small acreage, perhaps an average of two and a half acres. By the 4th century those smallholders had virtually disappeared and been replaced by vast estates controlled by a few large landowners. The peasants working the estates were the same people, but in the meantime they had lost their land to the larger landowners. In other words, landholding became a kind of massive agribusiness.
This is how economic empires collapse
In the course of this, the population of Palestine, still principally Jewish, also changed in that the ownership of land passed from Jews to Gentiles. The reason for that undoubtedly was that the only people with large amounts of cash who could buy out these smallholders who were in distress were, of course, the government officials.
And we hear of them being called potentates , powerful ones. In effect there is a shift in the distribution of wealth in Palestine; and obviously, from other evidence, similar things were happening in other places.