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He was already overextended from a franchise buying spree when ICE asked him to hand over three years of employee records, which worked out to about 3, employees in restaurants spanning seven states. The agency gave him three days to get the paperwork together. After LeVecke scraped together funds to comply, he says there was complete radio silence from ICE for 10 months.

When he finally did hear back, the news wasn't good. ICE had flagged 1, employees—almost half of his workforce—as "suspect. LeVecke was devastated and furious. Devastated, because some of the workers on ICE's list had been with his company for a very long time. He had come to know them over the years, and the prospect of firing them was heart-wrenching.

There is no way for the government to conduct the policy equivalent of drone strikes and cleanly remove millions of immigrants without major collateral damage.

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Interior enforcement is more like carpet bombing; its effectiveness depends on decimating American's liberties. Furious, because ICE's list included not just people who'd been with him since before LAWA mandated the use of E-Verify, but people he had hired later, after verifying their work status against the federal database. He had followed the rules, but the database was riddled with errors and so had mistakenly cleared them. Instead of giving him a reprieve and trying to fix its faulty system, ICE wanted to nail him.

Bad as E-Verify's false negative rate is now, it was downright horrendous when Arizona first mandated it. A Westat report commissioned by the federal government in concluded that about 54 percent of unauthorized workers submitted to E-Verify were incorrectly found to be authorized to work.

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Meanwhile, given that there was no way to hire a totally new, equally experienced, ICE-authorized workforce, his choice, he maintains, was to stay within the law or stay in business. Many of the senior franchise managers ICE flagged were simply irreplaceable. Almost 80 percent of Arizona's non-naturalized immigrants are undocumented. The remainder, while not U. The unauthorized population constitutes the vast majority of the workforce in the fast food, construction, and home health care industries.

But hiring undocumented workers again would have exposed LeVecke to Arizona's business death penalty laws, where repeated infractions can trigger the revocation of your license. ICE also could have slapped him with federal criminal penalties. LeVecke's competitors who had not been audited had wiggle room; LeVecke didn't. In March , LeVecke declared bankruptcy. He sold his business to his equity partner after a nasty dispute with lots of finger pointing all around, and he moved to San Diego.

His lawyer—Julie Pace, who counsels employers on I-9 audits and immigration law—believes that when ICE does that, as opposed to targeting specific affiliates, it is deliberately trying to drive a company out of business. She is convinced that ICE went after LeVecke because he was an outspoken critic of Arizona's anti-immigration laws, and of the harsh and inhumane enforcement tactics that the notorious Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio deployed to terrorize the Latino and business communities. The week I was in Arizona, Arpaio was convicted of criminal contempt for defying a court order to stop his illegal profiling of Latinos.

President Trump pardoned him before he could be sentenced to jail time. LeVecke was also working with D.

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None of this sat well with Arpaio and his anti-immigrant comrades. Pace believes they orchestrated a campaign to flood his county hotline with tips about unauthorized workers in LeVecke's employ, which Arpaio then passed on—or encouraged others to pass on—to the ICE hotline.

Once that agency gets a minimum number of complaints, it is obligated to launch a full-blown investigation. But as bad as LeVecke's fate sounds, Pace notes, it pales in comparison to what could happen to businesses should the Trump administration decide to go after them to the fullest extent of the law. Both Bush and Obama ramped up enforcement against employers for their own reasons, in their own ways. But both, by and large, pressed only civil charges. The Trump administration could increase criminal prosecutions of employers that hire undocumented workers.

Attorney General Jeff Sessions is an indefatigable anti-immigration warrior. Pace is already seeing more aggressiveness toward employers in the kinds of inquiries ICE has been making of her clients under Sessions' leadership. For example, the Obama administration would conduct random audits of companies.

Trump is doing more targeted audits of businesses based on tips from former employees. He also seems to be doing more repeat audits of companies with previous violations, which makes it easier to pursue criminal prosecutions, because getting caught more than once shows "intent. But to really understand the reign of terror that could come, look at what Trump's hero Arpaio, armed with similar powers, did to another Arizona restaurant owner.

Bret Frimmel, a burly year-old with a shaved head, is the last businessman you'd expect to get nailed for hiring undocumented workers. He owns Uncle Sam's, a restaurant that serves pizza, wings, Caesar salad, and other classic American fare in two locations in the greater Phoenix area. The restaurant, which Frimmel took over from his father straight out of high school, is festooned with flashy red paint and big, bold white stars. Two statues in tall red-and-white striped top hats and matching trousers stand on either side of the front door, with a big sign in the window reading, "We Want You.

Subtle it is not. But it is exactly the kind of establishment one would expect to appeal to the local Republican club—which, indeed, used to hold its regular monthly meetings there. But that was before Arpaio went after Frimmel and his general manager, Lisa Norton, making them the first employers to be criminally charged under Arizona's employer sanction laws in June My information about Frimmel comes from court documents, local news reports, and conversations with his lawyer, Leon Silver, who could have been named after his hair color. Silver is a disheveled, uncombed go-getter.

He wouldn't let me talk with Frimmel, not even about his personal biography; he seemed terrified that his client would inadvertently say something that might damage their civil lawsuit against Maricopa County and Arpaio. When I showed up at the Uncle Sam's on Shea Street for what I mistakenly thought was a mutually agreed upon interview with Frimmel in Silver's presence, Silver turned white—or whiter—with rage.

Barely had I greeted the restaurateur when his attorney escorted me to a table at the back of the restaurant and gave me an earful about how I did not understand Arpaio's grip on the town.

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I was out the door before my coffee could arrive. But here is the information I've gathered: It started in July , when Arpaio, eager to further solidify his tough-on-illegals reputation ahead of a re-election campaign, began raiding area establishments to sweep out unauthorized workers. Over the next year and a half, he invaded over 80 workplaces, including car washes, restaurants, and janitorial cleaning services, rounding up about people.

Uncle Sam's was among them. Arpaio hauled away nine Latino waiters and busboys from the establishment. But the real fun for Frimmel began the next year. That's when Arpaio's newly created "criminal employment squad" searched not just Frimmel's restaurant but also his home, looking for evidence of conspiracy to engage in identity theft, forgery, and, bizarrely, human and drug trafficking.

Officers arrested both Frimmel and Norton, a year-old grandmother, and eventually charged them with using false identity papers to hire undocumented workers, a criminal offense in the state after LAWA. Thanks to negative local press coverage, Silver says, Uncle Sam's went overnight from one of Phoenix's most popular eateries to virtually empty. The restaurant's customers tended to be fierce Arpaio supporters—as were Frimmel and Norton, at one point. So when the sheriff marked out Uncle Sam's, that was all they needed to know.

The lost customers were apparently untroubled that the sheriff had become nationally notorious for the concentration camp—like conditions that plagued the tent cities where he crammed unauthorized immigrants in blazing heat, or for incidents like the time he forced a pregnant woman to deliver her baby in shackles. As it turns out, Arpaio's case against Frimmel was a fabrication. Arpaio's deputies told the judge issuing the warrant that interviews with the unauthorized workers caught at Uncle Sam's revealed that Frimmel would ask them to sign blank employment forms, which he later filled in with fraudulent Social Security numbers and identities.

A later review of those interview tapes showed that they had said no such thing. In fact, the employees themselves pointed out that Frimmel never interviewed them—nor did Norton—and that the lower-level managers required them to fill out all the forms themselves and to provide identification. Some employees actually told Arpaio's deputies that Frimmel would fire managers who failed to obtain valid identification from a new hire, a fact that flew directly in the face of the case that Arpaio was trying to concoct.

After the raid, when Arpaio found unauthorized workers at Uncle Sam's, the Obama Department of Justice approached Frimmel to see if he'd cooperate with an investigation of Arpaio for racial profiling. It's unclear whether Frimmel consented, but Silver believes Arpaio got wind of the offer. Either way, the sheriff dusted off a 2-year-old tip he had received from the wife of a former Uncle Sam's employee whom Frimmel had fired for embezzlement, and used it to obtain a search warrant.

That ginned-up excuse wasn't enough. So egregious were Arpaio's lies that the presiding judge declared the evidence obtained from Frimmel's restaurant and residence inadmissible in court, prompting the county to drop the charges several months after the raid. But Frimmel's and Norton's lives had already been upended, and Uncle Sam's has never fully recovered, Silver claims. So they are suing Maricopa County, Arpaio, and many of his deputies in their official and personal capacities for civil damages.

You might think Arpaio is just a bad apple. But even in more scrupulous hands than Arpaio's, employer sanction laws are a far more draconian abrogation of employers' freedoms than the safety, sexual harassment, and other workplace regulations that drive the right insane. Yet few conservatives object to them. Meanwhile, progressive outfits such as One Arizona, which commendably provides all kinds of valuable services to undocumented aliens, including legal do's and don'ts in the event of an ICE raid, offer nothing analogous to small businesses.

To the contrary, One Arizona Executive Director Ian Danley feels it is unfair to crack down on undocumented workers without going after employers as well. That is fundamentally unjust, in his view.

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The Washington Post 's Dylan Matthews, a pro-immigration progressive, in approvingly cited the Migration Policy Institute's call for mandatory E-Verify to require employers to check the work status of all new hires—and for a bigger ICE budget so it can conduct more raids on employers who hire undocumented workers. An employer crackdown could potentially become a rare point of bipartisan consensus on immigration policy.

Democrats might go along with mandatory E-Verify and more funding for employer raids if Trump settles for something less than a full-blown border wall. But federal employer sanction laws would be far worse than similar laws at the state level, because once in place, they are less likely to go away. Arizona's crackdown has wreaked havoc on its economy. The Cato Institute's Alex Nowrasteh estimates that 36 percent of the unauthorized population fled the state between and The Sunset State entered the Great Recession a year before the rest of the country, and it stayed there two years longer.

Home prices dropped about 20 points more in Arizona than the rest of the country as the state's population shrank. And several immigrant-dependent industries—construction, agricultural, hospitality—experienced a huge retrenchment. So big was the hit that the state actually stopped enforcing the bulk of its employer-sanction laws in late , notes James Garcia, director of communications at the Arizona Hispanic Chamber of Commerce.

But distant federal politicians who don't have to live with the consequences of such policies, and in fact can use them to rally their base, will be far less inclined to back off when their actions harm local economies. About 11 miles north of the Mexican border lies Arivaca, an unincorporated hamlet of souls at the foot of the San Luis Mountains.

Apart from its gorgeous rolling hills and sprawling meadows, its most notable geographical feature is that it is located within the area the American Civil Liberties Union ACLU has dubbed the "Mile Constitution-Free Zone. The general content of many passages in this book will come as no surprise to readers familiar with the rich and growing corpus of family farm literature or with the history of farming in the arid West. What makes the book memorable is the way that Funda brings these elements into conversation with each other in the context of her particular family.

Weeds itself fulfills that promise. Project MUSE promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide. Forged from a partnership between a university press and a library, Project MUSE is a trusted part of the academic and scholarly community it serves. Built on the Johns Hopkins University Campus.

This website uses cookies to ensure you get the best experience on our website. When this occurred, the priest and his family were given 24 hours to leave. The same fate awaited the cantors. Reports reached the West that parks were being filled with bibles and icons, all confiscated items collected and burned. Proclamations were also made that Christmas day would be a regular workday, and church bells would be collected for the needs of industrialisation.

In addition, by , there had been instituted such a system of spying and harassment by bread procurement commissions and seed procurement commissions, the secret police, and the young communist league, that normal relationships between people had disintegrated to the point where there was no sense of community left. And hunger had left people so weak that they just stayed home behind locked doors as much as possible. They were obligated, however, to attend May Day celebrations, lured by a serving of porridge. So there was no public display of Easter, but there was May Day. If the sheer number of famine victims is a burden, the weight of remembrance becomes heavier with the thought of the generation that could be born.

However, many people who suffered from this accusation were only hiring individuals to help with their growing families. Existing families were destroyed as a result of de-kurkulization, and other families were unable to grow further because the fathers were arrested and deported to Siberia.

Still other families ended when the men were shot in prison as a means of intimidating others. Not to be forgotten are the children who survived the famine but were orphaned, survived in youth gangs, and would never be able to enter into normal family arrangements to raise children of their own. Today when we hear about someone born in and who has assumed some degree of responsibility in public life, one can well image how rare an individual he or she really is. This idea parallels a prayer said by a priest when preparing the bread and wine for the sacrifice of Divine Liturgy.

The words are taken from the Old Testament Book of Isaiah, and speak of a lamb being led to slaughter. And he has consecrated himself to a world of mercy, justice, and the becoming of a new creation in Christ. In such a spirit, the souls of all these victims are respectfully commemorated. If such a vocabulary seems out of place to modern sensibilities, I think its employment is justified when one considers that Communism, too, spoke of a new creation — a new Soviet man.

The creation of this new man was a task for the working class, and he would arise from among them. The Ukrainian villagers were targeted with an artificial famine because their national class stood in the path of this so-called evolution. As a result, the ideology had built into it a violent, explosive element, which detonated among the Ukrainian population of the s. The Holodomor has proven that the Soviet notion of humanity is morally bankrupt.

Today we are free to return to the ancient Christian anthropology summarized as follows: we are made in the image and likeness of God, and in Christ we are a new creation. Patriarch Husar, then, represents the generation that could not have been born given the conditions of genocide, and he also represents an alternative definition of humanity to the one that Communism offered.

The Communist victory in the Soviet Union is commonly associated with the victory of the workers over oppressive owners. The Communist idea to collectivize agriculture was the model implemented in order to make the farmers into something analogous to the proletariat. The coal miner in the enormous industrial unions of the Donbas, the theory went, could identify with, and work towards, a common goal of communism with the farm worker only after the process of collectivization had transformed the face of labour in the countryside.

However, it also meant that the inhabitants of whole villages were condemned to death by famine because Communism could not reconcile the destiny of the worker with the destiny of the farmer unless the farmer stopped representing something in opposition to the evolutionary direction of the worker.

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Although the Holodomor was chronologically 10 years earlier than the Jewish Holocaust of the Second World War, the famine of is in general being introduced into a contemporary culture that is already versed in the lexicon of the death camps of the Second World War. A book by Wasyl Hryshko, translated into English for the 50th anniversary of the famine, takes its name from the Jewish Holocaust. Just as the Germans proclaimed that Jews are not human beings. The Old Testament use of the word holocaust is associated with making a sacrifice to God, a burnt offering that is well pleasing to Him.

In the commemoration of all those deaths, their memory is elevated to a new level of dignity and reverence that they as individuals would have been denied in the hour of their death. And the memory of the ten million Ukrainians who died in the famine of is similarly elevated to a new level of dignity and reverence that they as individuals would have been denied in the hour of their death. Now that a free Ukraine is untangling the macabre implications of the Holodomor, there may yet emerge a writer who will capture in metaphor the events of , serve us with an authentic rallying point, silence those who maintain no genocide occurred, and win for himself or herself a Nobel Prize for Literature.

Such a writer, someone like Vasyl Barka who wrote a novel, The Yellow Prince, about the famine, is sorely needed to help us overcome the daunting fear of isolation as we embrace this task of commemorating the millions of victims.

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I conclude this famine lament by quoting the appeal from July by the Ukrainian Catholic hierarchy of Halychyna [Galicia]. It is one of those historical documents proving that the famine existed and also that Ukrainians of Western Ukraine sincerely wished to overcome the isolation that prevented effective humanitarian intervention:.