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Baker, Jr. The case of a historian reconstructing a distant past does not involve the historian's own memory but rather entails an examination of the processes of memory, insofar as they are revealed in textual records. Histories are lived and created by people with memories, thus public processes of representing the past are intimately connected with the workings of memory.

Dominick LaCapra formulates this link powerfully: "critically tested memory may appear as the necessary starting point for all symbolic activity" Ancient rhetoric—both narrowly and broadly defined—offers a detailed record of such operations. Were there differently gendered needs for memory in the sixth century?

Both men and a few women composed probably in writing and then orally delivered memorized text in the preclassical period. The attention paid to rhetorical techniques for memorizing speeches beginning in the classical era provides us with a rich resource for exploring the more profound psychic function of memory in recording experiences of exclusion and loss—experiences inscribed within the rhetorical record in various ways. This exploration requires conceptualizing a link between memory and space. Classical rhetoric takes place in a public space inhabited jointly by speaker and listeners, but this space—as has been well documented—was occupied by only a small fragment of all the people who existed in the world of the ancient Mediterranean.

Working back and away from the all-male, democratic setting of fifth-century Athens, we may imagine people who must articulate communal goals in the absence of others and in spaces less central and generally accessible than the Athenian assembly and courts. It is under such circumstances that memory becomes crucial.

To construct the significance of memory on these terms, then, is to explore space. The dominant mental image of the classical i. Only in the light of the public sphere did that which existed become revealed, did everything become visible to all. In the discussion among citizens issues were made topical and took on shape.

In the competition among equals the best excelled and gained their essence—the immortality of fame. Just as the wants of life and the procurement of its necessities were shamefully hidden inside the oikos, so the polis provided an open field for honorable distinction. This heroic and binary image may accurately represent certain features of fifth-century polis -life, but a danger lies in transposing that classical map onto the Archaic world of a hundred and more years earlier.

Scholarship suggests that it would be a mistake to jump to the conclusion that the spaces occupied by women in Archaic Greek-speaking cities were as confining as those of elite Athenian women during the democracy. Despite the similarity of domestic architecture across the centuries, women in the earlier era had more freedom: "they could move freely without escorts, discuss on equal terms with their husbands, and might even be present at the banquets in the great hall" Murray To the extent that we can speculate about the life of a woman who is represented in the fragments of poetry marked with Sappho's name duBois 3 , we get a picture of someone who occupied many, varied spaces: she moved and performed in mixed groups, traveled—by choice and in political exile, but may also have been married and a mother, was interested in beautiful clothing and grooming, and spent much time and energy in all-woman groups in composing, singing, and practicing cult religions.

Before the status of male citizenship was fixed in the classical, Athenian democracy, who were the subjects of communal life in the ancient Greek city, what spaces did they inhabit, and how did they use language to reflect on and mediate their relations? Determining the nature of the actual spaces within which Sappho wrote in relation to her representations of them generates a complexly layered blueprint of public and private.

In the interest of dispelling phantasms of both agora and oikos, we begin with the latter—its ideological legacies and archaeological remnants—references to which are almost completely absent in Sappho's fragments. Life begins well, it begins enclosed, protected, all warm in the bosom of the house … In this remote region, memory and imagination remain associated, each one working for their mutual deepening … Through dreams the various dwelling-places in our lives co-penetrate and retain the treasures of former days.

D. J. Wiseman

Gaston Bachelard , Poetics of Space. Bachelard's idealized image sketches a thoroughly masculinized view of the house as safe and womb-like nest. Memories are treasures, stored and retrieved through dreams. Though appearing in this brief passage as a timeless form, Bachelard's house distills historically specific elements of the private, domestic space of eighteenth-century European bourgeois culture Habermas Like the middle-class wife and mother, the house itself becomes a maternal bosom, site of love and intimacy, and repository of memory.

Contemporary feminist historians must guard against uncritically reproducing this appealing scene of femininity in readings of women writers from earlier cultures. We must look closely at specific features of place and gender, and seek to uncover the ideologies determining their meanings. Where we find familiar elements—separate or intimate spaces, cultivation of the person, emotional intensity, interest in natural beauty—we should ask a number of questions: are they exclusive to a feminine world in a particular time and place, or do they also appear in texts authored by men or in articulations of masculine culture and value?

Asking such questions of archaic Greek culture reveals complex answers. In some accounts of domestic space and economy of archaic Greece, women occupy a place similar to that of other possessions: "The physical shape of the noble's house provides the key to the relationship between production of wealth and its use to establish the social status of the basileus [warrior king].

This is the house of Odysseus or Agamemnon—the heroes of the epics. As in many later descriptions, women are seen as cloistered in gender-segregated, "private" parts of the Greek house. But in a recent study of domestic space across several eras of ancient Greek life, archaeologist Michael Jameson offers a different perspective. There is no way to determine, he claims, which parts of the house were specifically designated for women Most women's work—food preparation, child care, and weaving—went on in the central courtyard, he contends.

Nor was it kept at a distance from "women's quarters. Domestic archaeology reveals a "concept of the economic and social independence and privacy of the oikos " as "the household formed around a nuclear family" , but the "private" house of the nuclear family was not the private of a purely feminized domestic space. Nor is the house itself clearly divided into male- and female-inhabited spaces.

Although the textual space of a journal article prohibits me from treating this question with the thoroughness it deserves, we can sketch some outlines of the representation of space in Sappho's lyrics. The setting for her discourses is not domestic. In all but a few cases, the lyrics are set outdoors. Capturing the sense of these external spaces requires care. The natural settings of Sappho's fragments are neither highly cultivated nor are they completely wild. They evoke ritual practices and the sites marked out for such, but none of the fragments is generically "religious," nor are rituals described with specificity; they are only alluded to obliquely.

Setting her lyrics outside the polis draws attention to the fact that women were not included in civic deliberations. Furthermore, a substantial number of the poems thematize presence and absence—women's coming and going—within spaces of women's habitual congregating, thus calling forth a gendered operation of memory.

The lush beauty of natural spaces in Sappho's fragments tempts the contemporary reader into a divided frame of reference: her feminine world of natural beauty and peace—the private garden, in John Winkler's phrase 6 —vs. Alcaeus's busy masculine world of war, politics, and strife. Again we must be on guard against reading more current ideologies, in particular the bourgeois formulas so familiar to us, onto a much earlier and different era. The case of the garden is much like that of the house.

We have inherited conceptions of the garden both from eighteenth-century English attitudes toward ownership and cultivation of land and from a Romantic reaction to those attitudes. Several significant words for places appearing in the fragments of Sappho are drawn from nature and from ancient Greek religious practices conducted outdoors, but the "nature" in these poems is neither wilderness nor precisely the domestic "garden.

What then are we to make of the relation between the spaces created in these writings so as to imagine Sappho neither as a figure in an eighteenth-century landscape painting , proprietress of a cultivated garden, nor yet entirely confined within a house in the city? Recent archaeological work offers insight into this problem, shifting attention from Bronze Age palaces and classical-era monuments to the temporal and geographical spaces in between Murray and Price. In the Greco-Aegean world of the eighth century, 'towns' often consisted of loose groups of villages or clusters of houses that the first elements of urbanization were, at the end of the century, just beginning to pull together in an organic fashion above all by creating spaces reserved for public use , just as they were expanding as a result of demographic growth.

One of the developments of the seventh and sixth centuries—crucial for the formation of the polis —was the establishment of cults and the building of temples. Polignac catalogues sites for religious practices in three different relations to the city: first the acropolis, a high central temple around which the city organizes itself; the second, what Polignac calls "suburban or periurban," located on the margins of the town or just a little way off. The most interesting of Polignac's findings involves a third category: the "extraurban" sanctuary, situated at a distance from the city so as to be out of the daily routine but close enough to be fairly accessible.

Sappho: General Commentary

He observes that "many of the Greek world's most famous sanctuaries fall into the nonurban category" 23 and that the formation of such extraurban sanctuaries was a significant accompaniment to the development of the polis. The organization of sacred spaces over the period of the eighth century involved the addition of features such as an altar, a temple housing statues and offerings , and walls marking out the sacred area These changes occurred unevenly across various sites , but "the appearance of sanctuaries implies a definite change in people's perception of space" Polignac's work helps us to imagine that Sappho might have been physically present in extraurban sanctuaries.

He notes the presence of one such sanctuary on Lesbos, situated at the center of the island, equidistant from its four cities 38; see also Walker , This data gives us a historical frame of reference for the ways Sappho describes outdoor space, and Fr. I chose this translation in part because it preserves the incomplete line before the first full stanza, giving the picture of this grove not at an indeterminate distance out in the wilds but between mountain and city.

This dreamlike poem contains many of the significant place terms Polignac associates with the extraurban sanctuary. Translated by some as "temple," the term is less suggestive of a built monument than of a place outdoors which naturally lends itself to worship. Likewise, "grove" alsos, l.

There are signs of cultivation—apple trees and roses—but also of wild vegetation. Given those associations, this fragment's most striking aspect, noted by several commentators, is the eerie absence of people. Thomas McEvilley, for example, describes the grove as a "general image of a relationship of desire and withholding, of emptiness and fullness" We have gone out of the city with the poet—perhaps along a processional path marked out from city to sanctuary, along which the whole community would have walked on another occasion: ending in a place where women would have enjoyed the rituals of the cult of Aphrodite—"private" in their separation from the rest of the group, but public in the sense of engaging in religious practices sanctioned by and in service of the polis.

But instead of being accompanied by others, in Sappho's poem the listener is placed in this imagined space alone. More powerfully than the publicly sanctioned space of worship, the fragment represents the absence of women. In another fragment 94 , women are present together, facing imminent separation. The speaker here expresses a wish to die because she must leave a group of other women against her will. She describes this experience, what she has "undergone" pep[onth]amen , as "fearful" deina. The respondent, "Sappho," then consoles her, redefining the experience as a good one kal' epaschomen , and corrects her memory: "and remember me, for you know how we have stood by you.

Perhaps you don't—so I will remind you … and we have undergone beautiful things" trans. John Winkler. This is an active voice verb but has something of a passive sense to it: to undergo something demands less agency than to do something. The poem combines the idea of a forced departure from the pleasure of a group of women in the ritual space of Aphrodite's sanctuary with the shaping of memory in the face of that departure, the reminder which is actually a changed impression of what was "undergone.

The Sapphic speaker corrects the departing woman's memory in order to sustain her in a future in which she would perhaps be cut off from the richness of experience with the speaker and others who have shared those experiences, those who have "taken care of" the leaving woman. Similar uses of memory occur in other poems. At the end of the existing fragment, the speaker says the mythic Helen has reminded her o]nemnai-s' of "Anactoria who is not here" and goes on to mention "her lovely walk and the bright sparkle of her face" Campbell The speaker remembers epimnastheis' "Gentle Atthis" in Fr.

In these references to memory in Sappho's works lies an impulse related to rhetoric's desire to shape the ideas, feelings, and practices of those it reaches. Burnett But they arouse yearning pothos , and it is because one can feel desire, can yearn for a different future, a just response to a past act, a fair valuation of a leader, that one can persuade and be persuaded. Sappho's references to Peitho, the goddess of Persuasion, and the role of this figure in Archaic culture support such an interpretation. In the Palatine Anthology, a cumulative collection over ten centuries of thousands of Greek epigrams, the second-century B.

Aeolian earth, you cover Sappho, who among the immortal Muses is celebrated as the mortal Muse, whom Cypris and Eros together reared, with whom Persuasion wove the undying wreath of song, a joy to Hellas and a glory to you. You Fates twirling the triple thread on your spindle, why did you not spin an everlasting life for the singer who devised the deathless gifts of the Muses of Helicon? Peitho is here connected with Aphrodite and her son Eros, figures for desire and yearning.

In Sappho's Fr. Although Peitho is not named as a goddess, her name would sound and thus her force be felt in the verb "to persuade" l. Her assistance to Aphrodite often involves tricks or deception, later strongly associated with rhetorical persuasion. According to Burnett's analysis of the poem, "[Aphrodite's] magic, after all, is a heightened form of persuasion as Sappho slyly reminds us and it will be used in the interest of a special erotic justice which Aphrodite, like a little sister to Athena, here defends" In a more general observation, Anne Carson marks the power of the association between desire and persuasion in a primarily oral culture:.

The breath of desire is Eros. The same irresistible sensual charm, called peitho in Greek, is the mechanism of seduction in love and of persuasion in words; the same goddess Peitho attends upon seducer and poet. It is an analogy that makes perfect sense in the context of oral poetics, where Eros and the Muses clearly share an apparatus of sensual assault.

Peitho became one of Aphrodite's cult names Burnett n. In a second-century C. In Fr. But Peitho's realm is not purely that of persuasion as personal, erotic seduction; she also has associations with the public life of communities. Her power is necessary for the establishment of civilization and democracy. One of the reports of the founding of her cult illustrates this dual association. Pausanias, the travel guide of the ancient Mediterranean, tells of a temple in Athens to Aphrodite Pandemos "of all the people" and Peitho.

Later, archaeologists find coins with Athena on one side and Aphrodite Pandemos and Peitho on the other. According to Walter Burkert, venerable authority on Greek religion, Aphrodite Pandemos was responsible for vulgar sexuality and prostitution, but the sources he cites here are later Athenian figures: Solon, Plato, and Xenophon n The older meaning of "Pandemos" he gives is "literally the one who embraces the whole people as the common bond and fellow-feeling necessary for the existence of any state" Another story told by Pausanias speaks of the political power of Peitho.

A local myth of Sicyon, an ancient city on the Peloponnesian peninsula, tells of the coming of Apollo and Artemis. The twin deities were ejected from a place called Phobos Fear , an act that precipitated a plague in ancient Sicyon. Young suppliants from the city went to a river and persuaded the gods to return to Peitho's sanctuary in their town, thereby dispelling the plague. Polignac interprets this story as the banishing of Fear by Persuasion, giving "perfect expression to the ideal of relations within the city, where philia guarantees the cohesion of the community" Within this mix of sources, we find threads of persuasion cultivating desire or feeling in service at times of personal passion but at other times of forging group bonds.

The rhetorical impulse in Sappho's fragments might be described as the cultivation of such feelings among women, particularly in service of a kind of memory useful to a woman separated from pleasurable contact with other women. What Sappho taught was a disciplined mental process which, by reconstructing past actions in a certain way, kept one fit for the best that the present might propose. Burnett goes on to propose that the memory Sappho cultivates is an "organising and classifying one, and it must be accompanied by a complementary process of forgetting, as particular moments are dissociated from their particular contexts and rearranged with others of their kind" Perhaps "doctrine" is too strong a term, for Sappho lived in a world prior to discursive systematization—to the differentiation of types of discourse into philosophical, rhetorical, scientific, and aesthetic which began in earnest with Aristotle in the fourth century but would be fully enacted only with modernity.

The question of whether or not this memory work forms a system is less compelling than that of its nature and ends. The most prevalent references to memory throughout ancient Greek tradition concern a person's kleos, or fame. For warrior, politician, or poet, the ideal is to be remembered for great acts which garnered kleos. The emphatic structure, along with the reference to the future, seems to suggest an assertion of kleos for the speaker and her companions. On the other hand, Fr. Even in the imagined hell of the banished poet, woman is still in motion, going to and fro.

Without the obliteration of what need not be remembered, there cannot be memory" There are two references to such forgetting in Sappho's fragments. The temptation to supply a context for this enigmatic phrase is strong. Could it have to do with a woman's anger in a male-dominated culture? Perhaps it could be linked to Sappho's banishment under the tyrant Pittacus.

See a Problem?

There simply isn't enough information to support an interpretation. A more famous and fruitful reference to "forgetting," one that will bring us to a consideration of the distinctive functions of memory in Sappho's verse, occurs in the brief fragment about apple-picking, a :.

As the sweet-apple reddens on the bough-top, on the top of the topmost bough; the apple-gatherers have forgotten it—no they have not forgotten it entirely, but they could not reach it. Winkler interprets this verse as a commentary on female sexuality. The male apple-gatherers have "forgotten" the sweet apple reddening: i. But in the next line we find that, no, they haven't exactly "forgotten" it; they couldn't reach it. Forgetting becomes reinterpreted as a form of incapacity, or a combination of inattention and ineptitude. This subtle dramatizing of "forgetting" takes place in a different associational realm than the casting or withholding of light Nagy describes.

Here, the obverse of forgetting requires a kind of physical attentiveness, a sensing of the physical presence of another, along with the capacity to "reach" the other—to respond in a way that suits the features, the state, the ripeness of the other. This kind of remembering is not available to everyone; it is out of reach of some. There is a "hidden-in-plain-sight" quality to it that couldn't be achieved by the switch-like action of turning on or off a light.

In a true obverse of such forgetting, the scenarios of remembering created within Sappho's fragments often have more to do with the subtle interplay of relations—the dispositions—among those present than with the shining of a bright light of attention onto a heroic performer. The memory cultivated in Sappho's verse employs rhetorical powers of lyric in service of the needs of a group. In the creation of an inter-subjective space, Sappho disposes her listeners toward habits of mind and action that would help them to thrive within the constraints of their world.

In fact, people in the poems are often not represented at all but rather addressed or remembered. Particularly in the creation of the monody—the single person singing to a group—we have an adumbration of the "primal scene" of classical rhetoric. But rather than slotting this genre into the category of "private," we need to remember that the archaic monodist had an important civic function.

In the description of space as something to be in rather than look at Shauf , Sappho's verse disposes her listeners in an attentive relationship toward each other—attuned to their movements in and out of a shared space, their desires, and the ways of remembering that will contribute to their well being. The linkage between loss, grief, memory, and the visual occurs repeatedly throughout public moments in history, and has been taken up recently by critical theorists interested in historical trauma and the personal damage wrought by racism, sexism, and homophobia.

The experience of being excluded from spaces where others exercise power to determine collective actions that shape one's life must always entail some kind of pain: whether it takes the form of the incremental "strain trauma" of a daily life of subordination and silencing, as experienced by women and by queers of many races and classes across history, or more dramatic events of displacement of American Indians from their ancestral lands , enslavement of Africans , or genocide of Jews under Hitler's regime.

The project of reimagining public spaces in ways to include and empower such groups must involve the mobilization of memory; vital, multiple publics will engage in "forms of social action requiring the ability to remember in a desirable way" LaCapra 6. Memory demands and allows a kind of agency essential for participation in the public: "Memory is a technology for gaining freedom of movement in and mastery over the subjective temporality of consciousness and the objective temporality of discursive performance" LaCapra In the passage offered as an epigraph for this essay, LaCapra relates this technique of memory to space.

Memory suggests a history made accountable to the lives of persons. But this is not to suggest the kind of memory contained in a family photo album, constructed by the powerfully normative frame of "the happy family" Coward. Critical public memory takes its place between sculpted monuments, so familiar that they have become part of a neutral landscape, and a private collection whose names and faces are meaningful only to a handful of intimates. Such a memory will counter the tendency Fredric Jameson sees in our postmodern era: a "weakening of historicity, both in our relationship to public History and in the new forms of our private temporality" 6.

Memory here refers to a practice: "a public, inter-subjective practice, a collective recollection of a social past" Mitchell These rhetorical reflections help us to ask, How is it possible to keep reworking the past to make the present comprehensible? History and memory have an intricate relation to one another, particularly when we speak of those left along the side of the grand road of historical progress.

Before after and around the technical memory systems formulated within the rhetorical tradition, Sappho inscribed a different practice of memory, one we might attempt to recognize and revitalize even today: "history … can provide us the experience of difference, a productive memory of latent fragments of human being" duBois ix. Classical rhetoric has been remembered—memorialized—by some as a site of lost glory and unquestioned accomplishment: a monumental history, in Nietzsche's term.

Placing Sappho in the narrative gives us the rhetorical means to mourn—a way of remembering that returns us again and again to the loss of countless others who have come and gone, and urges us to seek persistently their traces. Baker, Houston A. The Black Public Sphere.

A Public Culture Book. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Benjamin, Jessica. New York: Pantheon Books, Bizzell, Patricia, and Bruce Herzberg, eds. Martin's, Brody, Miriam. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, Burke, Kenneth. A Grammar of Motives. Berkeley: University of California Press, Burnett, Anne Pippin.

Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Campbell, David A.

Sappho and Alcaeus. Loeb Classical Library. Carruthers, Mary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Carson, Anne. Eros the Bittersweet: An Essay. Janet Lloyd. Freud, Sigmund. Civilization and Its Discontents. James Strachey. New York: Norton, Glenn, Cheryl. Thomas Burger. Cambridge: Massachussetts Institute of Technology Press, Jameson, Fredric. Durham: Duke University Press, Kerber, Linda K. LaCapra, Dominick. History and Memory after Auschwitz. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, Liddell and Scott.

A Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press, Mitchell, W. Mohanty, Satya P. Michael Hays. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, Murray, Oswyn. Early Greece. Stanford: Stanford University Press, Murray, Oswyn, and Simon Price, eds. The Greek City from Homer to Alexander. Nagy, Gregory. John Bender and David E. Page, Denys. London: Oxford University Press, Peter, Jay, ed.

London: Allen Lane, Podlecki, Anthony J. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, Powell, Jim. A Garland. The Poems and Fragments of Sappho. New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, Pratt, Geraldine, and Susan Hanson. Ratcliffe, Krista. Ritchie, Joy, and Kate Ronald, eds. Available Means: Women in the Rhetorical Tradition.

The laptop is a must, even if it does extend the airport security nightmare while you untangle the nest of cables. A dictionary, preferably a good one with usage notes.

The Untold Truth Of Christopher Walken

Convincing a non-writing partner of this can be difficult, especially if your choice tips the scales at more than 2kg, as does my all-time favourite The Penguin English Dictionary 3rd ed. For the UK accept nothing less than the latest OS online and in bookshops. Spare reading glasses. It can be fact or fiction — although fiction can be difficult when also trying to write it. Be prepared to return with the book still unread. No matter, it will be available again for the next trip. There are several on my bookshelf ready to play the part, but The Selected Works of TS Spivet will probably be the volume of choice this year.

A good pen and paper to write on. Likewise a right-sized notebook of creamy pages with a willing surface. Both are guaranteed a place in my bag. Surprise, surprise! The genre is completely alien to me, but I was lucky enough to be given a copy. And I was lucky enough to persevere through what seemed an unsteady and unpromising opening to finish what turned out to be a worthwhile read.

Yes, Soul of a Warrior is flawed, but then it is rare for a first novel to be anything but. It seemed to be less in need of better writing than more diligent, perhaps harsher, editing and a few thousand words being cut. Not content with vampires, werewolves, aliens, and interplanetary transportation, she has added the spice of interspecies romance. This may all seem a bit too much and yet Ms Holm carries it off far better than the description might suggest.

Despite some slightly predictable outcomes, the author has also left enough room for both a sequel and the currently fashionable prequel. As might be expected, the themes offer abundant opportunities for descriptive passages painting the strange colours of other worlds and other beings. Although these are well handled, they could if anything have been a little more graphic, the imagination could have been allowed an even freer reign.

Perhaps the story was most enjoyable, most authentic, when it touched upon areas of personal interest. The idea of there having been previous — albeit rare — interbreeding between humans and aliens, was well handled, and gave a firm base for the fantastic. It had been a dramatic, even traumatic, week. Deeply weary, our greatest need was to sit somewhere other than a car, relax into some coffee and non-fast food. But where? Few diners visible, an immediate and warm welcome at the Agricola Street Brasserie, but argh! Of course — the tables are fully booked. No matter, we could eat in the lounge a misnomer really , at the bar or the kitchen counter to watch the preparations.

We chose the lounge, quieter we thought, a high table with high stools and better for conversation. It was not the best spot in the restaurant, but we had chosen it and would make the best of it. We sipped the promptly delivered coffee while considering the main event — food. Then, as luck would have it, a table has cancelled, would we like it? This is a good space, interesting and well done without dominating the experience of being in it.

By clever design or simply good fortune the acoustics are good. In no time at all it filled with diners and a happy Friday night buzz. The warmth of the initial greeting was followed at every stage by genuinely smiling faces, people doing their jobs with apparent pleasure, happy to advise about the menu, pleased to bring the chosen dishes, sharing the pleasure we had in eating them. That menu is not vast. This may be a strength rather than a weakness since it allows the kitchen to concentrate on what they do well. And they are doing it very well.

The food is excellent and not expensive, especially when you consider the quality, the service and the location. ASB is doing a lot of things right. It would be so easy to become a regular if you live in the area or even an hour away. That may be important for the future of the business, since Agricola is not really on the tourist trail, especially in January. It will be Haligonians who make the restaurant a long-term success or otherwise. Sign me up! Skip to content.

Home Who? William Taylor, Rev. Nathan Ames, Dr. Crosmon, Rev. Pelatiah Chapin, Rev. Reuel Lothrop Rev. Edward Mitchell, , Rev. Henry Archibald, Rev. Charles Newhall, Rev. Valentine Bunker, , Rev. Records, Extracts from Sutton Church Records, , Pastors since , , Deacons and clerks, , Names of church members,. Isaac Peaslee, Rev. Arthur C. Peaslee, Second Advent Church and Society, Spiritualists, , Osgoodites, , Settling a Minister, — containing Votes concei'ning Rev. Samuel Ambrose, Compromise between the town and Mr. Ambrose, Missionary labors of Mr.

Ambrose, Dismission of Mr. Matthew Buell, Saving a child from death by freezing, Sunday-schools and dancing-schools, Sup. Xatural Features of Sutton, — containing Surface ; streams ; ponds ; hills ; table of altitudes ; Kearsarge mountain, Geology of Sutton, , Mineral spring, Trees, Wild animals ; birds, , Historical Sketches by Erastus Wadleigh, prepared several years before his death, — containing King's hill in ,. PART I. Erastus Wadleigh, frontispiece. Matthew Harvey, Sr. Harvey, profiles, Jonathan Harvey, 42 Hon. Matthew Harvey, 44 History of Sutton. The title to every foot of land in Sutton reaches back to the deed or grant given in to Obadiah Perry and fifty-nine others by the Masonian pro- prietors of the ISTew Hampshire lands.

Who were these Masonian proprietors, and how were they entitled to the lands? They were an association of twelve gentlemen of Portsmouth and vicinity, who bought out the right of Capt. John Mason. AYho was Capt. John Mason? He was a merchant of London, and afterwards naval commander, and secretary to the Council of Plymouth, from wliich council he obtained in his first grant to that part of ISTew Hampshire lying between Salem river and the Merrimack. The next year Mason and Gorges unitedly obtained a grant of all the land from the Merrimack to the Kennebec river, — and in Mason became sole owner of that part of their grant which lay between the Merrimack and the Piscataqua, and westward to the St.

Lawrence and the lakes. This tract was hence termed Laconia. Later, in , the g-overnment of Massachusetts purchased from the heirs of Gorges the Province of Maine. Why they did not at the same time purchase from the heir of Mason the Province of 'New Hampshire is not known. Mason made no money out of his lands, but, on the contrary, ex- pended a fortune in the eftbrt to colonize and im- prove the same. But what was this Council of Plymouth, and whence came their right to dispose of the New Hampshire lands?

April 20, , James I, king of England, granted a liberal patent to an associar tion which took the name of the " Plymouth Com- pany. This body corporate was, according to its charter, established " for the plant- ing, ruling, ordering, and governing of JSTew Eng- land in America. It was con- veyed to them as absolute owners of the soil. But now comes the last and most im23ortant of this series of questions concerning title, being the one on which all the others have their foundation, viz.. It will be ob- served that in these conveyances no regard what- ever was had to the natural rights of the Indians, the aboriginal inhabitants and possessors of the lands, though in a few cases the settlers in some of the earliest townships went through the form of a treaty and purchase of their land from the natives.

Such was the case with old Haverhill, in Massa- chusetts, to which town so many of the Sutton fam- ilies trace their ancestry. The transfer of Mason's claim was made in , the whole being sold in fifteen shares, of which shares Theodore Atkinson took three fifteenths, Mark Hunking Wentworth took two fifteenths, and the other proprietors took one share each. The petition to the Maso- nians for the grant of a township was usually com- menced with a list of the names of the sixty men who were " of one mind, and desire their names may be entered upon this paper in order that they may have a tract of land granted to them and their heirs forever.

The tract was granted equally to the sixty grantees named, as also one share to the first settled minister, one share for the support of the gospel, and one share for support of schools, — making in all sixty-three shares. It was to be run out within eight months, so as to contain 72 one-hundred-acre lots, and 64 one-hun- dred-and-sixty-acre lots. The last named to be called the 2nd Divi- sion Lots. These lots are commonly spoken of as the Lord Proprietors' Lots. The land that was left after the 1st division the one-hundred-acre lots and the 2d division the one-hundred-sixty- acre lots were made, was to be equally divided among the shares of the previous divisions.

The grant required that Within two years from the date thereof, the grantees shall have a saw-miU built. In three years each owner shall have three acres cleared for tillage. In four years each owner shall have a house 16 feet square, or equivalent thereto. In five years there shall be thirty families. In six years shall be a meeting-house built, and preaching, and fifty families on said tract of land. In seven years the owners to settle a minister of the gospel. The charter contained the usual reservation of all white pine trees for the king's navy.

The enforcement of the last named provision, in towns settled at an earlier date than Sutton, proved so exasperating to the people that some writers on the Revolutionary period estimate the influence of this in arousing the spirit of resistance which led to the Revolution as fully equal to the influence of the offensive tea, molasses, and stamp acts. All white pine trees from fifteen to thirty-six inches in diam- eter were reserved for the royal navy. These depu- ties were the cause of much vexation and trouble.

In this way whole mill-yards of lumber, got out by the settlers for building their houses and barns, the work, perhaps, of an entire winter, were often forfeited. As soon as the deputy had placed the king's mark upon a tree or log, it was the property of the king, and no one dared to touch it.

But it is not probable that any of the noble old pines of Sutton ever sutfered the indignity of being branded by the deputy with the hateful Broad Ar- row which marked the king's ownership. ISTot only the remoteness of the situation of this tract of land, and the lack of convenient roads leading thither, and the distance from any stream suitable for raft- ing such timber, were its safeguards, but the date at which settlers had need to cut down the trees for use was too near the Kevolutionary period, , when by the flight of the governor the royal authority was at an end.

This grant was renewed Feb. Obadiah Perry, for whom our township was first called, and whose name is first on the list of grantees, was of Haverhill. We find in the history of that town that during the war of , nine men were called for from Haverhill, and his name heads the list as corporal. As we find him termed " Capt.

But on the renewal of hostilities he was killed by Indians, and his name ceases on our records. To illustrate the difficulties of the proprietors and early settlers, it will be well to introduce some ex- tracts from " The Proprietors' Book of Records," a manuscript volume of many pages of thick, coarse, foolscap j aper, yellow, stained, and worn by time and nuich use.

It is very difficult to read, the ink being much faded, the manuscript cramped and small, the paper being without rules, and much of the orthography and syntax faulty. Yet to the historian, the antiquary, the descend- ants of those whose names are occasionally found on its pages, its value is beyond price.

It covers a period of forty years. Haverhill District, Dec ye 5, You are hereby notified to assemble and meet together at the dwelling house of Daniel Poors in Haverhill District, Thursday the 11th day of Dec. All those who have any demands on the Society for service done in the affair at 9 o'clock in the forenoon, and the rest at one in the afternoon, then and there to settle the Rearages, also to choose Proprietors' clerk, Tresorer [treasurer] for the Society, and committee to recon with the same, and to warn meetings for the future. Also a commity to lay out the township into Lots, and to raise money for to defray the charges for doing the same.

And to act on any other thing or things that the Society shall think necessary. Timothy Clement Siu"veyor, — And we have agreed with him for fifty shillings a day, Old Tenor, and he is to find himself vittles and drink, and all things that he wants for himself. Old Tenor. Tills Commity are to lay out the tract of land they are chosen for, by the middle of April next ensuing.

Thomas Hale, Samuel Little and James Graves were chosen a Committy to recon with the Treasurer, and settle with those that have any demands on the Society. Voted that 9 pounds. Voted that Daniel Poor shall be a Collector to go to every man that is delinquent of 2 aying the money or giving his note, and it is a vote of our Society that every man he goes to, is to pay to the Collector a reasonable charge, or forfeit his Right. To meet the current and other expenses, several assessments had been made. Plaistow, June 21, A meeting of proprietors called at the house of Joseph Noyes, "to see if they will choose a man or men to return our case to the Grantures [Grantors] in behalf of the neg- ligent Parte that have neglected or refused to pay their Dews for laying out said tract of land.

At the meeting, among other things, "it was voted that the com- mity that laid out the land, shall go and demand the Plan of the Surveyor, forthwith, so they may couple the Lots. July 6, , the Com. Then he gave up to them the plan of the township, and they proceeded to "couple the Lots. It was at the same house that the Masonians met the petitioners for the grant of Perrystown, and there gave them their charter. Timothy Clements, who was the man employed to make the survey of Perrystown, was quite noted in his profession. We find in Provincial Papers, Vol. Voted, That every man shall go, or send a man in his room to clear a road to said "tract of land" also that every man that is delinquent of going to clear the road shall pay 28 shillings a day, Old Tenor, for every day that the other men are gone to clear the road, and coming home.

Again, a meeting is warned for the Ittth of Octo- ber, "To see what the proprietors wiU do concei'ning going into the woods," at which meeting the time for going was appointed for the 2nd of Nov. Voted, That all the Drink the Moderater calls for at our meet- ings, to be paid for out of the treasmy, and no more. There were settlers in the town of Hopkinton in Warner was granted in In the Perrystown proprietors, having failed to meet their obligations as to settlement, succeeded in obtaining from the Masonians a renewal of their grant, and, as it appears, without much difficulty.

Plaistow, May 11, Voted that the Delinquent Rights shall be sold at Vendue. Voted '' that building the meeting-house for the present is let alone " Pursuant to the vote to sell delinquent rights, appears the following Ad Ver Tisement. Several Rights or shares, in a tract of land granted to Capt. Obadiah Perry and others, lying abought six miles north from Hojikinton in N. The said land laid out abought 2 years ago, it being well watered by a river running through said tract of land called Almsbury River, and well timbered chiefly with Oack and Mapel and Beach.

The conditions of seal will be published before the Vandue begins. To be holden at the house of Samuel Little in Plaistow in N. May 13, Every person that wanteth informing more particularly about s'd land may inquire of s'd Little. Pri 38 36 Lb. Price 36 Lb. To Mr. Voted that the Right that Mr. Benjamin Herrod bought at the Vendue that was No. Cushin drew Mr. Herrod should have a deed of, his paying 38 Lbs for said Right.

May ye 7, Warning for Town Meeting. These are to notify and warn all the proprietors of a tract of land granted to Obadiah Perry and others by the grantors of John Tufton Mason, that they meet at the house of Samuel Little in Plaistow on ye 2nd day of this instant May at one of ye clock in ye afternoon, to act on ye following particulars. And it is also desired that every Delinquent do bring in their money that shall be due, or else their Rights will be forthwith sold to the highest bidder.

Plaistow, June 30, Voted that a Meeting-House be built 40 foot in length, and 30 in width, with logs, and 20 ft in height, coated over and covered with long shingle, and finished by the 10th day of Sept. Voted to raise the money to build the Meeting- House or Court House. The pro- prietors never built any meeting-house except on paper. For the next few years the minutes in the record are unimportant, because very little was done by the proprietors on account of the breaking out of the second French and Indian War, which put a decided check upon the progress of settlements northward.

But the reduction of Canada, in , gave peace to our borders and a new impulse to emigration. Many new townships were granted by the governor of JSTew Hampshire on both sides of Connecticut river; for the soldiers returning from Canada in passing through those regions became acquainted with the value of the lands. The proprietors of Perrystown seem to have waked to a consciousness that their township was in a fair way to have some neighbors, and that among so many new grants there might be danger of losing- some part of their own territory if their title should not be assured and established by due metes and bounds.

This had been done at the original survey in ; but the twenty years that had passed since that survey was made must have obliterated the traces of it to some extent. October 17, Meeting at John Hall's in Plaistow, where most of the early meetings of Sut- ton proprietors were held. The committee proceeded to search for the land, found it still there, and made return that they had "been to Perrystown, and renewed our bounds by new marking the same, and spotting trees on our town lines, on the east, north, and west sides of said tract of land.

Therefore the Perrystown proprietors, having found their north- ern boundary, had only to measure off the seven and one fourth miles in length given them l y their charter, and there find their southern bound, with none to dispute their claim to their thirty-six square miles. The committee also gave this as their opinion regarding the best location for a saw-mill, " that the best place to set said mill is on the Falls in Kear- sarge River, which Falls bear southerly or south- westerly on from our Meeting-House Lot.

Six years more elapsed before the first actual settler moved into Perrystown ; l ut a further search of the record shows that the proprietors were not idle during this time, that in fact they made no inconsiderable effort to fulfil the condi- tions of the charter, and so to save it from forfeit- 16 HISTORY OF SUTTOISr. The first and most necessary thing to do was, of course, to clear roads to and through " said tract of hind," and some kind of a highway was opened above Hojokinton in The committee that cleared the road received their pay for sixty- one and one half days at 4 pounds Old Tenor per day, pounds, besides 22 pounds and 15 shil- lings that was paid the pilot.

The proprietors held out good inducements to get settlers to go to Perrystown, and offered boun- ties foi" the same. July 25, Voted that if ten men will settle their Rights in one year, according to the grant they shall have one hundred shillings each, paid by the proprietors. Lot No. Lot 63, 1st Div. Thomas Wadleigh, Timothy Ladd, Esq. Becoming discouraged by the severity of the winters in the new town, he sold out, and returned to Haverhill, but his descend- ants remained in Sutton and vicinity. He was a soldier, for Haverhill, in the Revolutionary War.

Matthew Harvey afterwards became owner of his lot in Perry stown. June 29, Voted that the ten men that engaged to settle shall fulfil their settlements by the 4th Tuesday in Oct. Voted to raise five pounds to be laid out in mending roads, and making them in Perrystown where they are necessary to promote the settlement of the town. Voted that if any of the ten men that first engaged to settle in Perrystown don't complete their settlement according to the bonds they have given so to do by the 1st of July next, , that any other man or men of the proprietors of said township that shall first settle to make up the nmiiber ten, and shall complete their settlement, shall be entitled to four pounds per man.

Voted to give any man one hundred dollars, and one Hundred-Acre Lot [No. Eben- ezer Noyes agreed to do it. Voted to raise two shillings on each Right to give to the first three families that shall settle in Perrys- town this Fall, and abide there. Voted to allow Thomas Wadleigh, Samuel Bean and John Knight three shillings and sixpence per day for six days each when they went up to Perrystown as committee to find a place to build a saw-mill, and to find a road further up in said town. Voted to allow Jonathan Nelson 3s. Voted to allow Ephraim Gile 3s. Voted to give Jacob Davis what was formerly voted to each of the first ten men that should settle in Perrystown, also to give any of the proprietors who shall move into Perrystown with their fami- lies and settle there by the first of June next, six dollars.

Agreably to previous notice, several Rights were sold for Taxes. The tax on each Right was 21 sliillings. Voted to give Jacob Davis one Lot of land. Voted that a road shall be cleared to each man's Lot when he moves into town. July 2, Voted to give Cornelius Bean six dollars as he has moved into town with his family.

Voted to raise 6s. Voted to clear a road through Perrystown according to act of Assembly passed March 16, , to have a road cleared from Boscawen to Charleston in the Province of N. This year the proprietors made considerable effort to promote the growth of the settlement by bringing it into eommnnication with other settled localities.

Several of the colonists in these two towns came from the same vicinity, and doubtless the ening of this road was much desired, not only as a busi- ness convenience, but as giving opportunity for the renewal of the old social ties, and the extension of new ones, — for life in the wilderness is lonely at the best. In early times this road was much travelled by Sutton settlers who went to Salisbury to trade. Traces of it are still visible in many places. Settlements had begun in Salisl ury as early as , and to Perrystown, certainly, it was no small advantage to l e brought into business and social relations with a community now twenty years old.

There is a touching incident connected with that locality and those early days, that will not be out of place here. It was related to the writer by Mrs. Jonathan Harvey, daughter of Thomas Wad- leigh, Esq. Before the road was completed, the wife of Jon- athan Wadleigh, an early settler in Sutton, died leaving an infant a few days old. How was it to be taken care of? Hoav made comfortaljle, or even kept alive?

Help came in the person of his brother Thomas. Leaving the desolate husband to bury his dead, the faithful brother at once took the help- less babe in his arms, and, with a bottle of milk in his pocket, set out on foot, and, finding his way l y spotted trees, reached his destination with his infant 20 HISTORY OF SUTTOX. Wadleigh, the yonng mother so snddenly taken out of life, was the first person buried in what is now the South burying-ground, but which had not then been set apart for that purpose.

July 1, Voted to give Samuel Bean 18s. Voted a grindstone of about 8 shillings value to be sent up to Perrystown, for the use of the settlers there. The votes copied from the Proprietors' Records indicate much anxiety to get settlers to move into Perrystown. One cause of this anxiety was that they were about this time in danger of losing their charter through failure to fulfil its conditions as to settlement.

If forfeited, it would cost them some money to get it renewed. The following votes found on their records show them to us almost as plainly as if we could actually see them worrying through their difticulty. Voted to choose a committee to go to Portsmouth to be at the meeting of the Proprietors of Mason's Patent to con- sult about the affairs of Perrystown. The proprietors having received a copy of the resolutions of the Masonian Proprietors respecting their terms for granting a further time for settlement, it was voted and resolved that we think the terms proposed too hard, and that oui" Com.

June 4, Voted that the present Com. June 23, Meeting called to see if the proprietors wiU accept the terms offered by the Masonians. Voted that Samuel White Esq. July 27, Voted that we think the proposals of the Masonians' Com. Voted that we accept the terms agreed upon on the 7th. Voted that those of our proprietors who shall pay aU or any part of their proportion that it costs to get a new grant before the Com.

The Bartletts, Gov. Josiah and his brother Major Enoch, for their services in this transaction were allowed as follows: Voted to allow Major Enoch Bartlett 12 Lbs for his time and expense as a committee man at divers times to Portsmouth, also Col. Josiah Bartlett for Ditto Also Timothy Ladd " Also voted to allow said Com. And it was not paid for some years after that time, if ever, as the following letter will show.

Josiah Bartlett. It is now one hundred and three years smce it was written, and the signature looks precisely like the same signature on a much more important docu- ment — the Declaration of Independence. As elsewhere stated in this history, Esq. Bartlett had become a proprietor in Perrystown by the pur- chase of a right : hence his interest, and the impor- tant aid he rendered by his influence with the Masonian proprietors as one of their associates and ecpials, and also by himself becoming responsible for a portion of the money demanded by them for re-granting the charter.

Kingston, Dec. Sir, — You doubtless remember that before the late war the Masonian Proprietors made a demand of the proprietors of Perrys- town of a siun of money to be paid to prevent the said town from being declared forfeited, and re-granted, i. That secimty still lays as I am informed uncancelled. What has been done with the money raised by said tax, I know not, but think it is time that the Proprietary affairs should be settled, and that security taken up by some means or other, for I am not willing to have it lay any longer against me.

I should think it best that a meeting of the proprietors should be called as soon as conveniently may be, to call the former Collectors to account for the moneys that they have received and agree upon some method of settling with the IMasonians. As I am informed that you are Clerk of the proprietors, I would request that a meeting may be called for the above piu'pose, and any other that you may think necessary, as soon as may be, and I will endeavor to attend the meeting and use my efforts to have the affairs settled.

I have frequently mentioned this affair to Esq. Samuel Wliite, and he gave me reason to expect that a meeting would be called, but I have not heard of any, and I am not easy to have it lay so any longer. Sir, your friend etc. JosiAH Bartlett. In order to conclude the account of the Bartlett claims, the following letter is inserted here, although the date of it carries us far ahead of the time we have now reached in the compilation of this history. It was found bound up in the same package with the preceding. To Matthew Harvey Esq. Salisbury, June 22, Sir, — Bailey Bartlett Esq.

These sums, with the Interest Mr. Bartlett now calls for and has left the orders with me for collection. Be so obliging, sir, as to mention the business to the proper persons, and persuade them to make innnediate payment. I am sir, with much respect Your humble servant, Thomas Thompson. The following are some of the votes regarding this matter. Apr 25, Voted that Josiah Bartlett Esq. In Town Meeting Apr. Voted to sub- mit the article in the Warrant to Mr.

Moses Hills to get all the information he can respecting the Writ mentioned in foregoing Warrant, and to report the same to the town. At adj. Then met according to adj't. Voted that the Selectmen shall call a proprietor's meeting as soon as may be. The atiair was probably settled without a lawsuit, as it does not appear again on the records.

In the preamble of the new grant, the Masonians state that the time for the performance of the con- ditions contained in the first and in the additional grants is long past, and the conditions thereof re- main unperformed, whereby the property of the said granted lands has reverted to the said grantors, — that the grantees having become duly convinced that their lands are justly forfeited according to the conditions of the first grant, and having solicited said grantors to indulge them with a longer time to perform the conditions thereof, and to dispense with the settling of a minister, which settling was one of the conditions of the first grant, have decided to indulge them.

They also extend the time for fulfilment of conditions of the charter two years. Voted to raise Pounds to defray the charges of the Propriety. Voted that if there is not upon the original Right of Capt. Obadiah Perry, — now Col. Bartlett's — land fit for settlement, he shall have other lands proper for it of the undivided lands in town.

Some fourteen years after this vote was put on record, Dea. Matthew Harvey and Benjamin Wad- leigh were chosen a committee to view Esq. Josiah Bartlett's lots of land in town, to ascertain if they are fit for settlement. They, reported that The 1st Div. Lot is but ordinary, but some Lots in town are settled on meaner land than that, — but that the 2nd Div.

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Lot we think will do for a pretty good settlement. Obadiah Perry owned one of these rights, and Obadiah Perry, Jr. Voted to allow Ebenezer Kesar 42s. Voted Samuel Bean be added to this Com. The meeting at which the last vote was passed was arranged in manner following : A petition was sent to Wyseman Claggett, Esq.

Claggett, and with the foregoing petition was printed in the Exeter Circulating Morning Chronicle. This was really the first town-meeting held for Perrystown, and, under the name of committees, men were chosen to do the public work, who, we may assume, were just as faithful and efficient as if they had been termed selectmen. The embryo town had now assumed at least a tadpole stage of development, which in , eight years hence, we shall see exchanged for perfected froghood, by the process of incorporation.

All previous meetings noted on the proprietor's record book were held not so much in the interest of Perrystown as of the propriety. Of this word " propriety," in the peculiar sense here used, refer- ence to proprietary records of other Xew Hamp- shire towns shows that it was not confined to Per- rystown. It was used as an abbreviated expres- sion of the body of proprietors — the corporation.

When met, it was voted that any proprietor who did not perform the settlement of his respective Right before the 1st of Nov. Voted that the cost of warning this meeting in the public prints shall be paid by the Propriety, — also the expense of this meet- ing at the house of Enoch Knight in Plaistow, which is 6s.

Meeting adj. The next entry in the record book is as follows : None attended but the clerk and one or two men, — so it ceases. There is not another entry made till March 3, , which was three years after Perrystown was incorporated under the name of Sutton. The entry is as follows : The reqviest of a number of the proprietors of Perrystown alias Sutton in the Province [had the clerk forgotton that N.

John Knight, clerk of said proprietors. We desire that you would warn a meet- ing of said proprietors by posting advertisements in the several towns directed, to meet at the house of John Hall, Innholder in Plaistow on Wednesday April 25th next, at 2 o'clock P. To choose a Moderator and all proper officers, viz. To choose a Com. To examine and adjust the default of Ebenezer Noyes about a grist-mill in said town and to determine how to warn future meetings. Last Meeting held in Plaistow. Moderator, Capt William Pressey. Clerk, John Knight. As few of the proprietors attended, the meeting was adjourned to the house of Dea.

Matthew Harvey in Sutton on May 14, Met accordingly and voted that Capt. Stephen Harriman, Capt. William Pressey and Matthew Harvey are chosen Com.

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Voted that the meeting stand adjourned to the 2nd Tuesday in January, at the house of Matthew Harvey in Sutton at 4 o'clock P. Matthew Harvey, Pro. The Proprietors' Record here ends. The third and hist division of hinds has taken place, and the proprietors as a body have nothing more to dispose of, and so withdraw from active interest in Sutton affairs, leaving the little remaining proprietary busi- ness to be closed up by a committee.

Copy of the Order for Taking the Census of In Provincial Congress. New Hampshire August 25th, Wheras, it is necessary that an exact account of aD the Inhabi- tants of this colony should be taken, in order to be transmitted to the Cong-ress of the United American Colonies : Therefore resolved, that it be recommended to the Selectmen of the several Towns and Parishes, and other Places in this Colony to take an exact Number of the Inhabitants of their respective Districts, including every Soul in the same, in separate Columns, as follows : Males under 16 years of age ; males from 16 years of age, to 50, not in the army ; all males above 50 years of age ; Persons gone in the army ; all females ; Negroes and Slaves for life.

And in such Places where no Selectmen are chosen that the Selectmen of the next adjacent Town take the same, or some suita- ble person living in such Place by their Appointment. And that the return thereof be made to the Committee of Safety for said Colony, as soon as may be, by the Selectmen or Selectman or Person appointed, who shall take the same upon oath to their Fidelity and Impartiality therein, wliich Oath any Justice of the Peace or Town Clerk is impowered to administer.

And wheras a late Requisition of this Congress that every Town, Parish, and other Places within this Colony return the Number of the Fire Arms in their respective Districts fit for use, and the num- ber wanting to compleat one for every person capable of using them, has not been complied with ; therefore it is now earnestly recom- mended that the same be forthwith done, adding these to the Quan- tity of Powder in each Place, and where there is a Public Stock, to return a separate Account thereof, and that the whole be returned to the Committee of Safety for this Colony.

And it is further recommended that no part of the aforemen- tioned business be delayed ; for its being as speedily done as possible will be of great Utility to the Colony; and it is strictly further enjoined, upon all Selectmen and Committees to endeavor to prevent all persons from burning their Powder in shooting at Birds and other Game, — By Order of Congress. Matthew Thornton President. In there were in Perrystown 12 Tax Payers. Rateable Estate 9s. Proportion of public taxes 9s.

No meeting called in Enumeration of Inhabitants of the town, taken by Benja- min Wadleigh by order of Provincial Congress. Perrystown and Fishersfield were taken together. In both towns there were Males under 16 years of age Sworn to before Daniel Flanders, — Warner. The Proprietors who had completed their settle- ment held a meeting at the house of Enoch Knight, Innholder in Atkinson. We find no record of ninnicipal meetings till , after which town-meetings were annually held, and town officers chosen. We find no record of Proprietors' meetings from to The colonies were at war with Great Britain till , and in this one absorbing interest it seems that nearly forgotten.

April 25, , a meeting was held in Plaistow- Dea. Matthew Harvey and David Eaton were again chosen a committee to employ a snrveyor and chain- men to find the common land in town. Matthew Harvey and Enoch Marsh were chosen a committee to draw lots of the third division for each original proprietor of the common or undivided land in Sutton.

The last meeting of proprietors of which we have any record was held -at the house of Dea. Matthew Harvey in Sutton. The term " settlers" should be understood to mean those who were of age, or land- owners, abiding here with their families, if any they had. David Peaslee and his son Samuel. Benjamin Wadleigh, Jonathan Davis. Matthew Harvey, Ebenezer Keyser. Silas Russell, Benjamin Philbrook, Jr. William Pressey, Jeremiah Davis. He had a family of eight sons and several daughters, one of whom married Capt. David Peaslee was the ancestor of the Peaslees now living in town.

He died about the first of the present century. Samuel, his son, came here with his father ; sub- sequently lived where E. Lear lives, and in his last days lived at the South Village, where he died in , aged 75 years. His wife died soon after, leaving a large family. His eldest daughter was the first female born in town , married Samuel Andrew, Jr. Cor- nelius lived near David Peaslee's, where, in that same year, his son Joseph was born, being the first child born in town. Cornelius had been in the French War, and was at the taking of Quebec by the English.

He was a man of great physical strength, and was accustomed to move from place to place. It was said of him that he would Iniild a house, and move into it the same day. Many anec- dotes are told of him. He was more inclined to help others than to help himself. The wife of Cornelius survived him many years.

Samuel Bean settled near where Milton B. Wadleigh lives. He was a man of energy and sound judgment; was frequently chosen one of the selectmen, and was selected to build mills, find and clear roads, and execute various other kinds of public business. One daughter married Isaac Fellows, one married a Mr.