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Salomon Reinach. As the defense of the legitimacy, if not the perfection, of the status quo, conservatism is less a doctrine than a rule of thumb, the simplest version of which is no doubt William F. For the left, inequality of reward, if not of power, is in principle illegitimate, and can be tolerated only out of necessity. For the right, social hierarchy, the reward of firstness, is valid in principle. The right is not necessarily conservative; the far right can be as militant in its defense of privileges as the far left in its attack on them. As this suggests, with the extremes removed, the two sides are not symmetrical.
The left demands major changes in the system, and seeks to accrue more power to the government in order to implement them. Yet the very fact of sitting in the same chamber implies that the two sides hope to reach a compromise through negotiation—as was still the case in As applied to non-revolutionary parliamentary situations, the right realizes that the left can disrupt the social order if its demands are not met; the left realizes that when the disruption reaches a certain level, the state, even under a left-leaning administration, must defend this order by force.
So long as both sides sit together, they tacitly agree, as Churchill put it in a different context, that jaw jaw is preferable to war war. This system has functioned, not without crises, throughout the history of American democracy. In particular, from the late 19 th century through the s, the elected representatives of the various regional, industrial, occupational, and other interest groups, most notably the countervailing market forces of capital and labor, negotiated over specifics while largely confining their moral arguments to rhetoric to rally their supporters.
Conservatism was never a major consideration throughout this period; the Republican party, representing large and small business interests, generally took a Burkean perspective exception: Teddy Roosevelt , but was little concerned with doctrine as such. But since , the perspective of the New Left, which began in the s as a campus-based opposition to the Vietnam War and came to attack liberal democracy itself, has gone mainstream. After the fall of the USSR, the left no longer needed affirm the superiority of liberal democracy over communism; it was the only game in town.
Since the system is in principle invulnerable, there is no a priori limit to the degree of unrest it can tolerate. Because even in the past the left tolerated but never truly embraced the model of politics as negotiation among countervailing interest groups, the right has remained largely unaware of the revolutionary potential of this new development.
Traditional conservatives, unprepared for this change in configuration, have been blind-sided by the resulting accusations of race and gender prejudice. Only Trump and, while he was active, Ben Carson whose recent endorsement of Trump confirms their agreement on this point have conspicuously denounced PC, and none have made it the focus of their campaigns, except on the point of limiting immigration, which Trump has made so to speak his trump card.
As I pointed out in Chronicle , Trump embodies far more than he articulates resistance to the victimocracy. Yet this is indeed an issue concerning which, at this historical moment, embodiment is more important than articulation. What is required at this moment is not conservatism as usual, but second-degree conservatism , metaconservatism. The first can be negotiated on a more or less level footing with opposing interests; the second can only be resisted by unregenerate evil-doers, which is more or less the way the current president and his potential Democratic successors characterize the representatives of the other party.
In this noxious context, the meta conservative position is not to deny victimary claims, but to normalize them: to turn them back into assertions of interests to be negotiated as political questions were in days of old—in a word, into issues that can be settled by making a deal. Victimary activism should not in itself guarantee representative status for its leaders on campuses and elsewhere. But when university officials find it appropriate to hold discussions with representatives of the black or gay or Muslim student body, by making it clear that they view the latter as interest groups rather than as communities of the oppressed, they can avoid putting themselves, as such officials all too often do, in a situation of moral inferiority.
This used to be called Realpolitik. The political discourse of Sanders and Clinton is deeply impregnated with this same rhetoric. Whether or not Trump is its nominee, I hope the Republican party does not need another general election loss to teach it that to articulate and defend a conservative position today, it is first necessary to reject the victimary moralization of politics and return to the liberal-democratic continuum within which conflicts can be mediated.
At that point, regardless of the party in power, liberals and conservatives can argue their points, and then come together and make a deal. We live in a culture of blame — but there is another way. Rowan Williams. The Guardian. Sun 23 Mar These characters were bad and that was an end of it. Viewers of the series will have their own judgment. Much more importantly, the entire message of the Bible on this point is that the problem begins with us, not them. Jesus is killed because people who think they are good are in fact trapped in self-deception and unable to get out of the groove of their self-justifying behaviour.
And the New Testament invites every reader to recognise this in himself or herself. Because we compete for the same goods and comforts, we need to sustain our competition with our rivals and maintain distance from them. But to stop this getting completely out of hand, we unite with our rivals to identify the cause of the scarcity that makes us compete against each other, with some outside presence we can all agree to hate.
Their leaders sweated over compromises and strategies to avoid this. In such a context, Jesus offered a perfect excuse for them to join in a liberating act of bloodletting which eliminated a single common enemy. The spiral of fear was halted briefly. Frequently in this mechanism, the victim has little or nothing to do with the initial conflict itself. But in the case of Jesus, the victim is not only wholly innocent; he is the embodiment of a grace or mercy that could in principle change the whole frame of reference that traps people in rivalry and mutual terror.
Thus the scapegoat mechanism is exposed for what it is — an arbitrary release of tension that makes no difference to the underlying problem. And if you want to address the underlying problem, perhaps you should start listening to the victim. For many of our contemporaries, the Christian message is either a matter of unwelcome moral nagging or a set of appealing but finally irrelevant legends. But what if the Christian story offered more than this?
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What if it proposed a way of understanding some of the most pervasive and dangerous mechanisms in human relationships, interpersonal or international? Look at any major conflict in the world at the moment and the mechanism is clear enough. Two fragile and intensely quarrelsome societies in the Holy Land find some security in at least knowing that there is an enemy they can all hate on the other side of the wall.
A crumbling dictatorship in Zimbabwe steps up the rhetoric of loathing and resentment towards the colonial powers that create the poverty and the shortages. Nearer home, disadvantaged communities make sense of their situation by blaming migrants and asylum seekers. It breeds a mentality that always seeks to mirror the one who is threatening you. Worst of all, it gives a fragile society an interest in keeping some sort of external conflict going.
Consciously or not, political leaders in a variety of contexts are reluctant to let go of an enemy who has become indispensable to their own stability. The claim of Christianity is both that this mechanism is universal, ingrained in how we learn to behave as human beings and that it is capable of changing. People may or may not grasp what is meant by the resolution that the Christian message offers.
But at least it is possible that they will see the entire scheme as a structure within which they — we — can understand some of what most lethally imprisons us in our relationships, individual and collective. We may acquire a crucial tool for exposing the evasions on which our lives and our political systems are so often built. Yes, the Christian church has been guilty of colossal evasion, colluding in just those scapegoating mechanisms it exists to overcome.
Its shameful record of anti-semitism is the most dramatic reversal of the genuine story it has to tell, the most dramatic example of claiming that the killing of Jesus was indeed about them and not us. But it keeps alive that story. The crowd turned on them as the origin and cause of their problems. They became the scapegoat.
Consequently, the tribe felt cleansed. The violence unleashed a feeling of power and freedom. As the evil was purged, thrill surged. All was well. Life could continue and the tribe could prosper. Until, of course, another crisis developed—and at that point another victim would be needed. Because of the regularity of the crises, religions developed the ritual of regular sacrifice. Victims were found, throats were cut, blood was shed, and if animals were substituted, it did not mitigate the truth that the society still ran on the blood-fuel of the victim.
This may seem terribly primitive in a modern age, until one see videos of ISIS soldiers ritually beheading their victims. Modern Americans may think they are far removed from the barbarities of the Aztecs until they view a video of a wine-sipping high priestess of the cult of abortion describing how she dismembers children and harvests their organs. Is this so far removed from the haruspication of the ancients?
Girard points out that Jesus of Nazareth turned the model on its head. He does so first by valuing the victim. The poor, the outcast, the crippled, diseased, blind, and demon-possessed are his prizes. He treasures children and magnifies women. He turns the sacrificial system upside down not only by valuing the victim, but by becoming the victim.
He defeats the sacrificial system by embracing it. He breaks it from the inside. For the last two thousand years, the world has been learning that the victim is the hero. The problem is that everyone is jumping on the bandwagon. Being a victim is fashionable—ironically, becoming bullied is now the best way to bully others. It works like this: If you want to move forward in the world, make progress for you and your tribe, further your ambitions, justify your immoral actions, grab a bigger piece of the pie, and elbow others away from the trough, simply present yourself and your tribe as victims.
Once you successfully portray yourselves as a poor, outcast, persecuted, minority group you instantly gain the sympathy of all. The first key to success in this campaign is to portray your victim condition as something over which you have no control. This is clear when the victim group is a racial or ethnic minority. The same sense of unjust destiny has to be produced for other groups. So the feminists have exploited the technique to portray all women as downtrodden.
Homosexual campaigners have likewise insisted that their condition is something they were born with, and now anyone with a sexual proclivity that is other than heterosexual can be portrayed as a misunderstood and persecuted victim. People suffering from any kind of illness, disability, or misfortune are victims of some sort of injustice, cruelty, or neglect.
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Those who suffer from poverty, addiction, broken families, psychological problems, emotional distress, or just plain unhappiness are victims too. The victim mentality is linked with an entitlement culture: Someone must be culpable for the unhappiness of the victims because someone should be responsible for making them happy. The second step in effective victim-campaigning is to accumulate and disseminate the propaganda. Academic papers must be written. Sociological studies must be undertaken. Groundbreaking books must be published. Stories of the particular minority group being persecuted must make front page news.
The whimpers of the persecuted must rise to heaven. You must recognize the victim. You must be sympathetic. You must be tolerant. You must join the campaign to help the victim, solve their problems, and make them happy at last. If you do not, you are not only hard-hearted, you are part of the problem. The third stage of the campaign is the release of anger.
Once the victim is identified and the information is widespread, the rage can be released. The anger must be expressed because, without knowing it, a new cycle of tribal scapegoating has developed. As the tribe gathers around the victim in sympathy, they must find the culprit, and their search for the culprit whether he is guilty or not does not matter sends them on the same frantic scapegoating quest that created their victim in the first place.
The supposed persecutors have now become the persecuted. The unhappiness of the tribe which presents itself as sympathy for the victim is now focused on violence against the new victim—and so the cycle of sin and irrational rage continues. Observe American society today. Everywhere you look we are apportioning blame and seeking scapegoats. The blacks blame the whites. The whites blame the blacks. The homosexuals blame the Christians.
The Christians blame the homosexuals. The Republicans blame the immigrants. The immigrants blame the residents. The workers blame the wealthy. The wealthy blame the workers. Why has our society descended into the violence of scapegoating and blame? Because it is inevitable. The victimhood cycle will continue through cycles of revenge and further victimhood unless there is an outlet. Where is there an end to the cycle of violence and victimization? There is only one solution: Find a constant victim—one who is the eternal victim and remains the victim. How is this done?
It is done within the religion of a society. If a society has a religion of sacrifice the ritual victim becomes the focus of the tribal animus. The ritual victim becomes the constant scapegoat. The ritual victim becomes the psychological safety valve. Catholicism, of course, is the only religion in the modern world which, astoundingly, still claims to be offering a sacrifice. This is why the ancient celebration of the Mass is still so vital in the modern world—because there the one, full, final sacrifice is re-presented for the salvation of the world.
The problem is that we are not a sacrificial and a sacramental people. We are a blandly utilitarian race—shallow, and lacking in imagination. We are uncomfortable with blood sacrifices and cannot understand the rituals of redemption. American Catholics prefer their liturgy to be a banal family meal where they sing happy songs about making the world a better place. It is no longer a sacred sacrifice or a holy mystery, but a cross between a campfire and a pep rally.
Nevertheless, when the religion in a culture offers the mysteries of sacrifice the urge to lay blame is assuaged, the cycle of blame finds its proper resolution. As anyone who reads this blog knows, I am a hardcore devotee of the ideas of Rene Girard. But those things I mentioned are big-picture concepts, and can be seen as somewhat abstract.
For Girard, the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ reveals to the world the mechanism of scapegoating— a victim is selected from among the people and sacrificed in order to discharge our rivalrous, imitative desires, and that sacrifice becomes both ritualized and camouflaged so that we are unaware of our participation. Jesus, finishing a process begun at the beginning of the Hebrew Scriptures, comes to strip off the veil over our eyes, to reveal to us the truth. Where once we held fast to the idea that the victim really deserved to be sacrificed, we now understand that the victim is innocent.
Girard insists that this bell cannot be un-rung, and society can never go back to the way it was prior to Easter Sunday. But that does not mean that scapegoating is ended forever. It simply means that we as a people cannot rely on the simplistic old versions of the sacred to sustain the Big Lie. Instead, if we want to avoid the hard work of imitating Jesus, forgiving our enemies, and learning to live in peace, we have to construct a new version of the Big Lie. But the other way is through the Cult of Victimhood. The Cult of Victimhood begins by appropriating the Intelligence of the Victim, recognizing the truth that discrete groups are often persecuted unjustly by virtue of being a discrete group, and not as a result of anything for which they are responsible.
And the Cult of Victimhood insists, correctly, that persecution of the particular discrete group at issue is unjust and should be stopped. So far, so good. But then the Cult of Victimhood turns being a victim into a status, defining itself in terms of the marker either directly or indirectly of having been through the experience of being a victim.
The Cult of Victimhood is thus an inversion of the normal, pre-Christian process of the Sacred—rather than the majority forming an identity over and against some identifiable minority victim or group of victims through the process of victimization, the minority forms an identity over and against the majority by virtue of being victimized, either presently or at some point in the past. This creates three serious problems. First, the identity of the group is tied up in the status of being a victim.
Thus, perversely, there is an incentive for the minority to seek to be victimized, because it supports and reinforces the group identity, leading to counter-productive co-dependent relationships with the persecuting majority. Or, at a minimum, the minority needs to perceive itself as being victimized in order to shore up its self-identity, leading to incentives to find persecution behind every rock or tree, even when it is not there. The second problem is that the Cult of Victimhood is it creates a tempting platform to seize the moral high ground. In light of the message of Jesus, we have an obligation to have special moral concern for victims as victims.
Being a victim does not necessarily make you wiser, or more just, or better able to discern moral realities in the world around you, because being a victim is ultimately and fundamentally arbitrary. Once again, this is an inversion for the old vision of the Sacred—whereas before the society explained that victims became victims through some narrative of moral failure, now the victims understand their victim status through a narrative of their own moral superiority.
In doing so, it sets up a purely binary, Manichean distortion of the Gospel message, dividing the world into fixed categories of victims who are righteous and victimizers who are unrighteous. This binary system acts as a kind of moral shield for their own behavior. This in turn leads to the third problem. Because of the power of feature 1 and especially feature 2 of the Cult of Victimhood, everyone wants to get in on the action.
And, given both the pervasive nature of scapegoating and the cultural awareness of the phenomenon even if inchoate brought about by thousands of years of Judeo-Christian presence, everyone can get in on the action if they look hard enough. What results is an utterly intractable set of mutually incompatible victimhood narratives, in which every group is the righteous but persecuted minority over and against some nefarious overculture.
Girard would insist that this is an utterly futile activity, because all of these stories of victimhood are on some level true and on some level self-serving nonsense. And it is not true because, again, being a victim is arbitrary. Sometimes you are victimized because of some trait you happen to have like race or gender , sometimes it is because of some social group you happen to belong to that happens to be on the short end of the stick for whatever reason like LGBT folks , sometimes it is for no reason at all.
The only real difference between the victim and the victimizer is circumstance. Or, to put it another way, there has only been one truly innocent victim in all of history, and He was last seen outside of Jerusalem years ago and 40 days after Easter Sunday. People get victimized, and we have a moral obligation to try to end the victimization. But the Cult of Victimization makes that project more difficult, because it weaponizes victimization and intermixes genuine victimization with dubious claims of moral righteousness.
It also incentivizes out-and-out bogus claims of victimization, because the power of victimhood status is to enticing. To see an example of the Cult of Victimhood in action, consider this piece from Andrew Sullivan about Trump. In the piece, Sullivan makes the point that one key dimension of why white, working-class voters have rallied to Trump is the disdain shown by cultural elites mostly liberal but also conservative, to the extent those are still distinct categories toward the culture and values of said white working-class people.
The reaction on social media to the piece was very telling. Instead of pushing back on the thesis i. First off, Sullivan does talk about that in the piece. Presidential election has been a heretofore unprecedented orgy of the Cult of Victimhood from all sides, and promises to become even more grotesque as we get closer to November. To my utter shock, tabletop role-playing games are undergoing a renaissance. But it was social disfavored, and the stigma was real. For example, I kept my interests in this area mostly to myself as an adult, and kept the hobby at arms-length—I felt that people would perceive it as immature or weird.
So, this should be a great time to be a tabletop RPG fan, and everyone should be happy, right? Not quite. It turns out there is a deeply toxic element of the tabletop RPG culture, one that has full-throatedly embraced the Cult of Victimhood. The basic claim is that there is a culture of sexual harassment in the hobby, directed an women in particular. Here, I will simply restate my view that mixed gendered scenarios are basically always better than single gendered ones. But the reflexive misogyny is not really about concrete experiences, but about the Cult of Victimhood. By excluding these intruders, identity is maintained—at the cost, of course, of victimizing innocent women who just want to play a game.
My point in using these two examples is not pass judgment on the validity of the victimhood claims involved though, from where I sit, the claims of victimization of racial and sexual minorities, as well as women in the RPG space, seem mostly real; the claims of male gamers seem mostly bogus; and the claims of white working class folks seem to be some combination of truth and self-serving fantasy.
The point is to talk about how the Cult of Victimhood works, and why it makes these kinds of debates so intractable. This doctrine cuts through both our self-serving claims to goodness as well as the paralyzing guilt of our wickedness. That allowed him to flip heavily white areas of states like Wisconsin and Pennsylvania that had voted for Obama.
But preliminary data suggests it is hardly all of it. And to understand this part of the story, you need to look beyond American borders. In Hungary, the increasingly authoritarian prime minister, Viktor Orban, has started building a wall to keep out immigrants and holding migrants in detention camps where guards have been filmed flinging food at them as if they were zoo animals.
And in Finland, the Finns Party — which wants to dramatically slash immigration numbers and keep out many non-Europeans — is part of the government.
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Those leaders were among the first to praise the president-elect. They share his authoritarian views on crime and justice. But most importantly, they share his deeply negative views of immigrants, his belief that Muslims are inherently dangerous, and his stated support for closing the borders to refugees and economic migrants alike. Their platforms, a right-wing radicalism somewhere between traditional conservatism and the naked racism of the Nazis and Ku Klux Klan, have attracted widespread support in countries with wildly different cultures and histories.
That conclusion is supported by an extraordinary amount of social science, from statistical analyses that examine data on how hundreds of thousands of Europeans to books on how, when, and why ethnic conflicts erupt. Drawing on social psychology, he theorized that one of the underappreciated causes of ethnic violence was a change in the legal and political status of majority and minority ethnic groups. In his book, Understanding Ethnic Violence , Petersen argues that his theory helps explain the causes of other cases of ethnic violence in Eastern Europe, including the carnage in the Balkans in the s.
Other scholars have since found that it could be used to understand communal violence elsewhere in the world. In nations with strong and legitimate governments, the loss of status by a privileged group is extremely unlikely to produce large-scale ethnic slaughter. Like, say, elections and government policies. Ditto when the United States ended Jim Crow, allowing black people to participate as formal equals, and when it experienced a mass wave of Latino immigration.
What you saw in many of these countries was a very different kind of population moving in and occupying social roles that had previously been reserved for white Christians. This was the ultimate change in social hierarchy. It was when. His political party, the Front National FN , won about 11 percent of the French national vote in the elections to the European Parliament. It was the first major electoral victory for a party of its kind. Le Pen had founded the party 12 years earlier. It was a populist party, one that argued that ordinary people were being exploited by a corrupt class of cosmopolitan elites.
They were also authoritarian , constantly warning of the dangers of crime and the need for a harsh state response. But above all else, the FN was xenophobic. Its members believed the postwar wave of immigrants threatened the French nation itself; stopping more from coming in was the only thing that could save the country from being overrun. In , a Dutch sociology professor named Pim Fortuyn launched a new political movement — oriented entirely around opposition to Muslim immigration.
Fortuyn was assassinated by a far-left activist that year but was succeeded by another charismatic populist, Geert Wilders. There are many others examples. Recent polling shows her near the top in the presidential election. The rise of these parties has been studied extensively — and the evidence is quite conclusive. In a paper , she looked at data on vote shares for seven European far-right parties, to try to figure out why people voted for them.
You can see this in the following chart from her paper. The Y-axis is the probability of voting for a far-right party; the X-axis is the level of support for restrictive immigration policies, right-wing economic views, and the like. The difference between immigration policy preferences and the others is striking:. Eight years later, after running tests on newer data for a forthcoming paper, Ivarsflaten believes the thesis still holds.
Norris and Inglehart looked at 12 years of European Social Survey data, surveying a whopping , respondents, to figure out the relationship between economic and cultural grievances and support for the European far right. Instead, it was from exactly the kind of people who voted for Donald Trump in the election. Only one of the five economic variables they tested — employment status — correlated well with support for the populist right. That held true even when they controlled for variables like age, sex, ethnic identity, and minority status.
Then they set up an alternative model, one that tested whether five distinct cultural factors — like anti-immigrant attitudes and authoritarian values — would predict support for the far right. Every single one did. In short: There was no good evidence that economic anxiety was driving cultural resentment.
He ran on an Americanized version of the European far-right platform. Like his European counterparts, Trump has eschewed overt discussion of racial superiority during his campaign. Trump first became a major political figure as leader of the birther movement — the people who questioned whether Barack Obama was really a natural-born US citizen — in , taking advantage of racial anxieties about a black president to turn himself into a GOP power broker. He deployed classic anti-Semitic rhetoric , warning of dark international banking conspiracies rigging the system against ordinary Americans.
Data from the primary shows that this kind of rhetoric was absolutely critical to his appeal. Over the summer, Michael Tesler, a professor at the University of California Irvine, took a look at racial resentment scores among Republican primary voters in the past three GOP primaries. In and , Tesler found , Republican voters who scored higher were less likely to vote for the eventual winner. With Trump, the opposite was the case. The more a person saw black people as lazy and undeserving, the more likely they were to vote for the self-proclaimed billionaire.
Tesler found similar effects on measures of anti-Hispanic and anti-Muslim prejudice. But we do have enough evidence to say that white resentment played a major role in fueling his support, even among the general population. Because the GOP nominee fit the mold of the European far right, rather than a traditional Republican, he was uniquely positioned to take advantage of racial anxieties produced by eight years of a black president and decades of mass Latino immigration.
Instead, his research found that the leading driver was party identification, followed closely by racial resentment. Klinkner found bupkis. People who were racially resentful were more likely to support Trump regardless of their views of the economy. Someone who was not very economically pessimistic but quite racially resentful was as likely to support Trump as someone who was equally resentful but much more pessimistic about the economy.
Another study — whose findings were published by three researchers at Slate — took a different stab at this. They found very little differences in rates of prejudice by income. There could end up being a bigger role for economic variables than there was in the primary, though the data about the European far-right militates against it. And it looks like he won not in spite of his racism but because of it. Bendaoud et M. Bogdan Calinescu. Et la mondialisation en est responsable. Elle a, au contraire, rendu les pays encore plus riches. Regardons les chiffres. Oui, il existe des milliardaires.
In the early s, about 80 million people — roughly 1. The figure now is closer to million. Migration across international borders is not a simple phenomenon and migrants themselves are as diverse as people who stay put. The banker from Seattle who signs a five-year contract for a post in Berlin is a migrant; so is the lay-out editor in Paris who moves to Moscow to work on a Russian edition of her magazine; so is the labourer from Indonesia or Thailand who becomes a building worker in Brunei; so is the teenage boy from Shanghai indentured to a Chinese crime ring in New York.
Refugees, too, are migrants. Often they share their route to safety with others who are not seeking asylum: the smuggling syndicates known as snakeheads, which induct Chinese women into a life of semi-slavery in Europe and the US, also ran dissidents to freedom in the retreat from Tiananmen Square. These things are largely a question of money.
Refugees are not necessarily poor, but by the time they have reached safety, the human trafficking organisations on which they depend have eaten up much of their capital. In the course of excruciating journeys, mental and physiological resources are also expended — some of them non-renewable. In the past, the states of Western Europe have shown a generous capacity to take in refugees.
The response to forced movement on the Continent itself, from the s to the end of the Second World War, might fairly be seen as impressive. So might the absorption of refugees during the Cold War: far fewer, of course, and mostly from South-East Asia, in keeping with Cold War commitments. But by the mids, when numbers started to rise again, states in Western Europe were reviewing their duty to provide asylum.
The change was connected with the new availability of one part of the world to another — with the expansion of global access, not least as a result of airline price wars. It occurred at a time when France, Germany, Britain and others had made up their minds that the postwar experiment with immigration from the South was over.
Refugees have paid a high price for this decision. They have also paid for the new prestige of the North American social and economic model — unrivalled now, but all the more conspicuous in its failings. The racially diverse society is a deeply troubling notion in Europe. The grinding together and shifting of peoples — the tectonic population movements that defined the European continent — were already well advanced, and largely settled, by the time the New World became a battleground between the monarchies of Europe and indigenous Americans.
As a child he developed a love of knowledge, memorizing the Qur'an and studying subjects ranging from Classical Arabic grammar, religious ethics, poetry, Qur'anic recitation and tafsir. When he reached the age of eighteen he left home and undertook the study of exoteric knowledge in Qasr al-Kabir under the supervision of Sidi Muhammad al-Susi al-Samlali. It was here that he was introduced to studies in the sciences, art, philosophy, law and Qur'anic exegesis in depth. He went to Fes to study with Ibn Souda, Bennani, and El-Warzazi, and joined the new Darqawiyya in AH , of which he was the representative in the northern part of the Jbala region.
He spent his entire life in and around Tetuan, and died of the plague in AH He is the author of a considerable number of works and a Fahrasa which provides interesting information concerning the intellectual center that Tetuan had become by the beginning of the 19th. He was a Moroccan painter and author and one of the few Moroccans to participate in the Tangier Beat scene.
He was born in in Ksar-el-Kebir in northern Morocco. His father was a ceramics artist who painted his pieces following an ancient tradition. Hamri's mother was born into the Attar family of Zahjouka musicians. His uncle was the leader of the Master Musicians of Joujouka. Hamir is father to Sanaa Hamri, the first Moroccan woman to direct a Hollywood movie. Hamri helped the Master Musicians of Joujouka survive by bringing them to Tangier to play.
In , writer Paul Bowles met the year-old Hamri at Tanger train station. He later met the painter Brion Gysin—inventor of The Cut-up technique—who tutored him and introduced him to modern European painters. Gysin and Hamri had a joint exhibition in After Hamri introduced Gysin to the Zahjouka village, Gysin became a life-long promoter of the Sufi trance master musicians who lived there.
Abdelhadi Tazi born June 15, is a scholar, writer, historian and former Moroccan ambassador in various countries. Tazi was born in Fes, Morocco, and attended primary and secondary studies in his hometown. Since his youth, he has contributed to the Nationalist Movement and thus experienced exile and prison. Since his youth he has published several articles and essays more than and translated many works and studies from English and French into Arabic.
Rate He first came into contact with literature through his father, who was a janitor at the local library in Rabat. As a gay teenager, he was confronted with the homophobia and machismo in Moroccan society. He studied French literature while living in Rabat. During the mids he left Morocco for Switzerland in order to study for a semester in Geneva.
He later studied at the Sorbonne in Paris. In he publicly came out of the closet in an interview with the literary magazine Tel Quel, which created controversy in Morocco. The uncertainty about his name and authorship of the Rawd is caused by the many variant manuscripts in circulation since the Middle Ages. Very little is known about his life except that he was evidently a scholar at Fes. Binebine has written six novels which have been translated into various languages. In Mahi Binebine went to Paris and studied mathematics, in which he was a teacher for eight years.
After that he devoted himself to writing and painting. He emigrated to New York and lived there from to His brother Aziz was one of the young officers who had taken part in the failed military coup against King Hassan II in For 18 years, he was imprisoned in the desert camp of Tazmamart, under conditions of unimaginable and almost indescribable brutality.
Of the 56 prisoners, only half survived; among them, Aziz Binebine. Abdelwahid al-Marrakushi born 7 July in Marrakech was a Moroccan historian who lived during the Almohad period. Abdelwahid was born in Marrakech in during the reign of Yaqub al-Mansur, in he moved to Fes to pursue his studies, but continued traveling back and forth between the two cities for academic purposes. In he left for al-Andalus where he stayed for nine years before returning to Morocco. In he completed Kitab al-mujib fi talkhis akhbar ahl al-Maghrib The pleasent book in summarizing the history of the Maghreb , a history of the Almohad dynasty as well as the preceding dynasty of the Almoravids coupled with a summary of Al Andalus history from the Muslim conquest until The book was written in a lighthearted spirit with many anecdotes; Abdelwahid explained that his intention was to inform and entertain the students in a summarized way since academic history books tend to be overly lengthy which can sometimes bore the reader.
The book contains valuable information about Ibn Rushd a contemporary of Abdelwahid as well as information directly taken from the Almohad archives, various princes and accounts of events that the author personally. He has published 26 books, both literary and scientific works, in Arabic and French. As a liberal philosopher, Himmich is concerned with matters including ideological education in Islam.
He advocates the division of church and state. His work deals with the problems and conflicts with which Morocco is faced today. The crater Al-Marrakushi on the Moon is named after him. Ibn al-Banna' lit. Having learned basic mathematical and geometrical skills he proceeded to translate Euclid's Elements into Arabic. Ibn al-Banna' wrote between 51 to 74 treatises, encompassing such varied topics as Algebra, Astronomy, Linguistics, Rhetoric, and Logic. Some of his books were translated into more than 30 languages.
Lahbabi studied at the Sorbonne in Paris and received a doctorate of philosophy. He was professor of philosophy and dean of the faculty of letters at the Mohammed V University in Rabat. Characteristic of his philosophical writings is the union of Arab-Islamic and Western-humanistic ideas. He also wrote poetry, fiction, and non-fiction books on economics, politics, and literature. He was nominated for the Nobel Prize for Literature.
He is considered one of Morocco's most important modern authors. From to , Berrada was the president of Morocco's writers union. He is a member of the advisory board of the Moroccan literary magazine Prologue. Berrada belonged to a literary movement that wanted to experiment with new techniques of writing what Moroccan critics call attajrib experimentation. The text does not give much weight to the plot and is written in independent scenes, images, thoughts and portraits. In the field of language, dialects take on an important role, such as Fassi the dialect of Fez together with wordplay and allusions.
Mostafa Nissaboury is a Moroccan poet. The magazine was banned in He was fascinated by the workings of the human memory. In Casablanca he opened a house solely devoted to poetry. His works contributed much to the renewal of Moroccan poetry. Mohammed al-Ifrani was a Moroccan historian. He is noted as the author of Safwat man intashar, a compilation of biographies of 17th century Morrocan saints, as well as his history of the Saadi Dynasty.
Ahmed Marzouki is a former Moroccan "disappeared". Marzouki was a prisoner in Tazmamart, a notorious former secret detention centre in Morocco during the reign of Hassan II. First arrested in , he was finally released in , but faced state harassment for years after. He is the author of a book about his experiences, Tazmamart Cellule 10 Tazmamart Cell He was an active partisan for the rights of the Berbers in Morocco.
He has greatly influenced the cultural Berber movements.. He began his primary education in his native village and ended them in Marrakesh where he also followed his secondary education and entered the national teacher training college.. Al Baydhaq meaning pawn was his nickname, because he was small in stature. He was a Berber from the Senhaja. It is the most important source on the period. Al-Masfiwi was a poet in the time of Ahmad al-Mansur.
The section on Ahmad al-Mansur is found in Volume Five of this work. This volume has been translated into French by al-Nasiri's son, Muhammad al-Nasiri, and appears in Archives Marocaines 34 S and D. A in the School of Arts and Humanities in Rabat. He is currently a visiting professor of Arabic at Emory University. He was born in in Moulay Driss Zerhoun. He studied law at the Mohammed V University and graduated in He published a collection of short stories, six collections of poetry and one novel.
Some of his works have been translated into French, Spanish, Russian and Dutch. During the early s, he was jailed for his political activities. He has been elected president of the Moroccan Union of Writers twice in the period In , Achaari was elected delegate for Rabat and in he became Minister of Culture and in delegate for Meknes. He shared the prize with the Saudi writer Rajaa Alem. Sidi Abu al-Qasim Abd al-Rahman b.
He is one of the seven saints of that city. Al-Suhayli wrote books on grammar and Islamic law. He is especially well known as an Islamic scholar by his commentary on the sira of Ibn Hisham. He died here three years later, and his zaouia, in a cemetery just outside Bab er Robb with entrance only allowed to Muslims , hides a former gate in the wall called Bab el Charia.
His tomb is visited yearly by many pilgrims. He is best known for his work of halakha, the legal code Sefer Ha-halachot, considered the first fundamental work in halakhic literature. He studied in Kairouan, Tunisia under Rabbeinu's Nissim ben Jacob, and Chananel ben Chushiel the recognized rabbinical authorities of the age. Rabbeinu Chananel trained Alfasi to deduce and to clarify the Halakha from Talmudic sources, and Alfasi then conceived of the idea of compiling a comprehensive work that would present all of the practical conclusions of the Gemara in a clear, definitive manner.
To achieve this goal, he worked for ten consecutive years in his father-in-law's attic. In Alfasi moved to Fes with his wife and two children. Fes' Jewish community. Mrabet is an artist of intricate, yet colorful, felt tip and ink drawings in the style of Paul Masson or a more depressive, horror-show Jean Miro, which have been shown at various galleries in Europe and America. Mrabet's art work is his own: very loud and intricate, yet comparable with that of his contemporary, Jillali Gharbaoui Mrabet is increasingly being recognized as an important member of a small group of Moroccan Master Painters who emerged in the immediate post Colonial period and his works have become highly sought after, mostly by European collectors.
Mohammed Mrabet, born in Tangier, , his father enrolled him in Koranic school at the age of four, then in at the L'ecole public de Boukhachkhach. From to , Mrabet worked as a caddy at the Royal Tangier Golf Club and thereafter as a fisherman, until , when he met an American couple, Russ and.
Abu Abdullah Muhammad al-Arabi al-Darqawi — was a Moroccan Sufi leader of the Shadhili tariqa and the author of letters concerning the dhikr he preached and instructions for daily life. He stressed noninvolvement in worldly affairs Dunya and spoke against other Sufi orders exploiting claims of barakah blessings. He was imprisoned by the Moroccan ruler Mulay Slimane r. A branch of the Shadhili order, the Darqawa, was organized around his teachings after his death, with members coming from a wide range of social groups. Though the Darqawa was once the most important tariqah in Morocco, its power waned as it spread throughout North Africa.
His tomb is in the zawiya Beni Brih also in the Rif. Almost all of the letters concern the method based on the central techniques of invocation or dhikr, not usually discussed openly by Sufi masters. The entirety of his work is written in French, although his first language is Arabic. He continued his studies in philosophy at Mohammed-V University in Rabat, where he composed his first poems collected in Hommes sous linceul de silence However, he left Morocco in , after the arabization of the philosophy department, unable or unwilling to teach in Arabic.
He moved to Paris to continue his studies in psychology, and began to write more extensively. Starting in , Ben Jelloun began to write articles and reviews for the French newspaper Le Monde, and in he received his doctorate in social psychiatry. In , Ben Jelloun published the novel L'Enfant de. He came from a modest Berber family, was born in a small village called Adouz near Al-Hoceima in north Morocco. He was schooled at the International Israelite Alliance which sponsored people from underprivileged backgrounds.
He then passed his baccalaureate in Kenitra and Rabat. He then headed for France, where he pursued a literature major. Considered by many in Morocco as a progressive journalist, he passed from the status of simple correspondent to Editor-in-chief of Hebdo, which inaugurated an unprecedented era of freedom of speech for the press in Morocco.
Ali Lmrabet is mostly known for creating the weekly satirical journal Demain on 11 March , which was renamed Demain Magazine after a court case. On 20 October , Ali published an article where he suggested the possibility of the royal palace of Skhirat being for sale. One month later, he got a four-month prison sentence and a euro fine for having written the former article by the tribunal of Rabat. They didn't make any distinction between allegations and a "conditional" statement written in the French.
He was born in Fes in of Berber parents. Sefrioui was founder of the Al Batha museum in Fes, a town that is present in almost all of his writings. After the Qur'an school and the schools of Fes Sefrioui has made French his own. As a young journalist for "Action du Peuple" and as writer of historical articles as a curator for the "Addoha" museum he mastered the language. After he worked at the government departments of culture, education and tourism in Rabat.
He died in This branch of the family immigrated to Tafilalt and settled there. His father immigrated to Fes, where his descendants still live. Muhammad Ibn al-Habib was born in Fes in At the proper age, he went to the Qur'anic kuttab at Qantara Abu'r-Ru'us where he studied with Sidi al-Hashimi as-Sanhaji, learning Quranic reading, writing and recitation.
Abu Faris Abd al-Aziz al-Fishtali — was the secretary of state for correspondence and leading poet from Ahmad al-Mansur's court. He wrote 69 poems, numbering verses. The one surviving work from the pen of al-Fishtali, as the chief scribe of al-Mansur's state is: Manahil al-safa fi ma'athir mawalina al-shurafa. Editor: Abd al-Karim Kurayyim. Rabat, It is considered to be the main source for the dynasty of Ahmad al-Mansur.
Rate 4. His poetry is free, based on spoken language and unrivalled in contemporary Arabic literature in its spontaneity.