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Slavery and Abolition. Print Material. Contact us about this collection. Title: James E. Primary Creator: Schiele, James E. Arrangement: The James E. Use Restrictions: Users of the collection must read and agree to abide by the rules and procedures set forth in the Materials Use Policies. Providing access to materials does not constitute permission to publish or otherwise authorize use. All publication not covered by fair use or other exceptions is restricted to those who have permission of the copyright holder, which may or may not be Washington University.

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Page Clipping on back of mat dated November 22, refers to A. Waud sketches on pages and Page and Clipping from page dated October 11, refereing to A. Waud illustrations. Location: north Lithographic reproduction of painting by Cassilly Adams mounted on board. Distributed by Anheuser-Bush as a promotional item. Like the doorways, they were carefully screened. A secondary room attached to the building but not communicating with the experimental spaces sheltered the small, heated laboratory where the Commission members raised and stored the mosquitoes to be used.

These two experimental buildings presented alternate environments -- one conspicuously clean and well ventilated, the other filthy and fetid. Contemporary theories of disease held that yellow fever developed in unclean conditions, and consequently much time and money had been devoted to sanitation projects. Workers steamed clothing, burned sulphur in ships' holds, and thoroughly scrubbed surfaces with disinfectant. In cases of severe epidemic, entire buildings presumed to be infected were set afire along with their contents.

Thus the extraordinary -- and intentional -- paradox of the Commission's experimental regime: Reed expected yellow fever to develop not in the unsanitary environment, but in the one thought to be most healthful. Camp Lazear went into quarantine the day of its completion, November 20, , with a command of four immune and nine non-immune individuals, all save one U. Army personnel. Soon a group of recent Spanish immigrants to Cuba augmented the non-immune numbers, bringing the resident total to about twenty. Reed strictly controlled access to the camp and ordered regular temperature recording for each volunteer to eliminate any unanticipated source of infection and to identify the onset of any case of yellow fever as early as possible.

As a result, non-immunes were barred from returning should they leave the precinct, and two of the Spaniards who developed intermittent fevers shortly after arrival were immediately transferred with their baggage to Columbia Barracks Hospital. The immune members of the detachment oversaw medical treatments and drove the teams of mules that pulled supply wagons and the ambulance. Experimentation did not begin until each volunteer had passed the incubation period for yellow fever in perfect health.

Reed took as much care with the design of the experimental protocol as he had with the configuration of the camp and its buildings. Each evening, the occupants of the infected clothing building unpacked trunks and boxes of bed linens and blankets, nightshirts and other clothing recently worn and soiled by cases from the wards of Columbia Barracks Hospital and Las Animas Hospital in Havana. These they shook out and spread around the room to permeate the atmosphere.

The stench was overpowering. Yellow fever causes severe internal hemorrhaging, and its unfortunate victims often suffer from black vomit and other bloody discharges. One routine delivery proved so putrid the volunteers "retreated from the house," Reed stated.

Biographical notes:

Each morning, the volunteers carefully repacked the rank, encrusted materials into boxes and emerged to an adjacent tent where they spent the day quarantined from the rest of the company. Three trials of twenty days each involved seven men altogether, lead by Robert P. Cooke, a physician in the Army Medical Corps. None developed yellow fever. The Commission's mosquito experiments proceeded in four series.

First, Reed sought to demonstrate that mosquitoes of the variety Culex fasciata later called Stegomyia fasciata, and later still Aedes aegypti could in fact transmit yellow fever, as Carlos J. Finlay had argued and the initial experiments at Camp Columbia strongly suggested. Here the Commission members simply applied infected mosquitoes contained in test tubes or jars to the skin of the initial volunteers. Success in these tests raised a number of questions, each one addressed in the subsequent series:.

The second series consequently employed the specialized "Infected Mosquito Building" to indicate how a structure could be considered infected with yellow fever. This experiment required two groups of volunteers, one to be inoculated and another to serve as controls. One or more non-immune men then entered the opposite section of the room through the direct exterior door, and lay down on bunks adjacent to the wire mesh screen in the center of the room. Now the young man to be inoculated walked through the vestibule into the mosquito side of the room and proceeded to lie on a bunk adjacent to the wire screen separating him from the controls.

The inoculation volunteer remained in the building for about twenty minutes -- enough time to suffer several mosquito bites -- he then exited to a quarantine tent outside. The controls spent the remainder of the evening and night in the uninfected side of the room, and indeed returned to sleep in the room for as many as eighteen more nights.

As Reed stated, absence of yellow fever in the controls showed "that the essential factor in the infection of a building with yellow fever is the presence therein of [infected] mosquitoes," and nothing more.


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The third series of mosquito experiments confirmed what Henry Rose Carter, of the U. Public Health Service, called the "period of extrinsic incubation," [9] the length of time required for secondary cases of yellow fever to develop after an initial intrusion of the disease into a locality. In this series, a single volunteer underwent three successive inoculations by the same mosquitoes, each group of inoculations interrupted by a period of time equal in length to the typical incubation period of the disease in humans, about five days.

In this manner, the volunteer's illness could be specifically attributed to a single inoculation group. The use of the same mosquitoes and the same volunteer concurrently demonstrated that no peculiar personal immunity was at play, since logic dictates that a person susceptible to yellow fever on day 17 of a mosquito's contamination -- as happened in the experiment -- could not have been immune to yellow fever on day 11 or day 4. It was thus only the mosquito's capacity to infect which changed, and that occurred no less than 11 days after contamination.

The duration of time over which these "fully ripened" mosquitoes remained infective comprised the fourth series of experiments. For this series the Commission kept alive a group of infected mosquitoes for as long as possible, and proceeded to inoculate three volunteers -- on the 39th, 51st, and 57th day after contamination. Each developed yellow fever. A fourth volunteer declined to be bitten on day 65, and the last two mosquitoes of the group, "deprived of further opportunity to feed on human blood" [10] expired on day 69 and day 71, clear evidence that even a sparsely populated region may retain the potential for new infections more than two months after the first appearance of the disease.

Although it went unrecorded in the published papers, Reed organized a supplemental experiment to test another species of mosquito. Culex pungens failed to transmit yellow fever to at least one volunteer and probably to a second. Reed's preliminary conclusions indicated that Culex fasciata was the only species capable of transmitting yellow fever. A last experimental regime involved subcutaneous injections of blood from positive cases of yellow fever to presumed non-immunes.

Reed devised these tests to confirm the presence of the yellow fever agent in the blood of a victim during the first days of an attack, and, more importantly, to settle the Bacillus icteroides question. The same blood cultures which produced yellow fever in four volunteers also failed to grow any B. Altogether, the mosquito inoculations and the blood injections produced fourteen cases of yellow fever.

All made a full recovery. Notwithstanding the decisive medical victory -- as Reed declared, "aside from the antitoxin of Diptheria and Koch's discovery of the tubercle bacillus, it will be regarded as the most important piece of work, scientifically, during the 19th century" [12] -- success at Camp Lazear unfolded in its own time. Initially, Reed observed, "the results obtained at this station were not encouraging. Then, on December 5, , private John R. Kissinger presented his arm to the mosquitoes, and late in the evening on December 8, suffered the first chills of "a well-marked attack of yellow fever.

The force of the conclusions was evident to everyone:. In fact, several of our good-natured Spanish friends who had jokingly compared our mosquitoes to 'the little flies that buzzed harmlessly about their tables,' suddenly appeared to lose all interest in the progress of science, and, forgetting for the moment even their own personal aggrandizement, incontinently severed their connection with Camp Lazear.

Personally, while lamenting to some extent their departure, I could not but feel that in placing themselves beyond our control they were exercising the soundest judgment. Thus illustrating once more, gentlemen, the old adage that familiarity, even with fomites, may breed contempt. The question of human experimentation was indeed a serious one -- unavoidable, in actuality, as Reed had stated the previous summer to Surgeon General Sternberg. When the Commission first considered a trial of Finlay's mosquito theory, Reed, Carroll, and Lazear agreed to experiment on themselves.

Agramonte, a native Cuban, had acquired immunity as a child. Doubtless Finlay's experience of many unsuccessful inoculations communicated that positive results would not be forthcoming rapidly, so before the first series of inoculations began under Lazear's direction at Columbia Barracks, Reed left Cuba for Washington, where he completed a monumental report on typhoid fever among the army corps -- left unfinished by the sudden death of co-author Edward O. Carroll and Lazear both sickened while Reed was in Washington, and Lazear, young and strong, had no reason to anticipate that his case would be fatal.

Reed was shocked at Lazear's death, and because of his own age -- 49, a decade and a half older than Lazear and a dozen years older than Carroll -- he resolved not to inoculate himself when he returned to Cuba on October 4, The point had already been amply demonstrated, and only a rigidly controlled experimental regime would establish the necessary proof. Carroll, however, remained embittered about this for the remainder of his life, though he evidently never communicated his objections directly to Reed.

That initial series of mosquito inoculations was probably accomplished without formal documentation of informed consent.

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Indeed, the experiments may also have been carried forward without the full knowledge of the commanding officer of Camp Columbia, and Reed consequently shielded the identity of Private William J. Dean, the second positive experimental case, behind the pseudonym "XY" in the "Preliminary Note. With the advice of the Commission and others, he drafted what is now one of the oldest series of extant informed consent documents. The surviving examples are in Spanish with English translations, and were signed by volunteers Antonio Benigno and Vicente Presedo, and a third with the mark of Nicanor Fernandez, who was illiterate.

The documents take the form of a contract between individual volunteers and the Commission, represented by Reed. At least 25 years old, each volunteer explicitly consented to participate, and balanced the certainty of contracting yellow fever in the general population against the risks of developing an experimental case, followed by expert and timely medical care. These payments could be assigned to a survivor, and the volunteers agreed to forfeit any remuneration in cases of desertion.

For the American participants no consent documents appear to survive, though in contemporary letters Reed assured his correspondents that the Commission obtained written consent from all the volunteers. The record of expenses for Camp Lazear -- maintained by Reed's friend and colleague in the medical corps, Jefferson Randolph Kean -- indicates that the same schedule of payments for participation and sickness applied to the Americans as well. Two Americans declined these gratuities, as Kean termed them, Dr. Robert P. Cooke, of the fomites tests, and John J.

Moran, who had recently received an honorable discharge from the service, and was the only American civilian to participate. His was the fourth case of yellow fever to develop from mosquito inoculation. Moran eventually settled in Cuba, where he managed the Havana offices of the Sun Oil Company, and late in life became a close friend of Philip S. Together the two men rediscovered the site of Camp Lazear in -- Building Number One still intact -- and successfully lobbied the Cuban government to memorialize there the work of Finlay and the American Commission in the conquest of yellow fever.

Reed informally commemorated his own experiences at Camp Lazear by commissioning a group photograph, evidently taken there shortly before he left Cuba in February A more important event occurred on the sixth of that month when Reed presented the results of the Camp Lazear yellow fever experiments to a great ovation at the Pan-American Medical Congress in Havana. Though his correspondence intimates a great appreciation for Cuba, Reed never returned to the warm, sunny shores of the island freed of a dreadful plague.

Carroll stayed behind at Camp Lazear through February to complete the last experimental series officially bearing the imprimatur of the Yellow Fever Commission, and returned to Washington soon after March first. This work involved at least three volunteers at Las Animas Hospital, Havana, who submitted to blood injections. Carroll's assignment aimed at a greater understanding of the yellow fever agent, and he proved that blood drawn from active cases of yellow fever remained virulent even after passing through fine bacteria filters.

In addition, by heating contaminated blood which had previously caused cases of yellow fever, Carroll rendered it non-infective -- thereby establishing that this filterable entity, though sub-microscopic, was demonstrably present in the bloodstream. Carroll wrapped up the series in October and returned home to stay. Randolph Kean made the last rental payments to Signore Rojas on October 9, , and Camp Lazear, for more than a generation, slipped out of the realm of memory. Walter Reed September 13, - November 22, was a U. Army physician who led the army's Yellow Fever Commission and Experiments conducted by the commission confirmed a theory that yellow fever is transmitted by mosquitoes--a discovery that led to the control and eradication of this disease across much of the globe.

Reed would receive much of the credit for the work of the commission because of his role as its leader, and, long after his death in , he would be widely celebrated as a heroic figure in the fields of public health and medical research. Reed spent his first days in a small house which served as the parsonage for a Methodist congregation in Gloucester County, Virginia, where his father was minister.

The Reeds moved to other Virginia parishes during Walter's childhood, and just after the close of the Civil War, transferred to the town of Charlottesville. That move in placed Walter in the orbit of the University of Virginia, which he entered a year later at age sixteen under the care of his older brother Christopher, also a student at the University.

Reed attended two year-long sessions, the second devoted entirely to the medical curriculum, and he completed an M. At that time the School of Medicine at the University offered little opportunity for direct clinical experience, so Reed subsequently enrolled at the Bellevue Hospital Medical College, in Manhattan, New York.


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There he obtained a second M. In , he assumed the position of assistant sanitary officer for the Brooklyn Board of Health. Walter Reed. Their courtship letters reveal much of his maturing character, interests, and philosophy of life. Increasing responsibilities with the Board of Health precluded opening a private practice, and Reed's youth proved a barrier in a culture given to offering respect more to the appearance of maturity than to its actual demonstration. Reed consequently resolved to join the Army Medical Corps, both for the professional opportunities it offered immediately and for the modest financial security it could provide to a young man without independent means.

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He passed the qualifying examinations in January and proceeded to his first assignment at the military base on Willet's Point, New York Harbor. Reed remained in the Medical Corps for the rest of his life, spending many years of the '70s, '80s, and early '90s at difficult postings in the American West. The first of these -- to the Arizona Territory -- began in the late spring of , and indeed hurried along his wedding to Emilie Lawrence, on April 25, shortly before his departure.

She joined him the following November, and bore two children at frontier posts, a son Walter Lawrence and a daughter Emilie, called Blossom. Reed's other western assignments included forts in Nebraska, Dakota Territory, and Minnesota, with two eastern interludes at Baltimore, Maryland and another at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama. During the second of these tours in Baltimore -- over the academic year -- Reed completed advanced coursework in pathology and bacteriology in the Johns Hopkins University Hospital Pathology Laboratory.

When he returned from his last western appointment in , Reed joined the faculty of the Army Medical School in Washington, D. In addition, Reed maintained close ties with professor William Welch and other leading lights in the scientific community he had come to know at Hopkins a few years earlier.

Beyond his teaching responsibilities for the Army and the Columbian University programs, Reed actively pursued medical research projects. A bibliography of his publications finds entries from to the year of his untimely death a decade later, and the subjects he investigated range from erysipelas to cholera, typhoid, malaria, and yellow fever, among others. When Reed traveled to Cuba in to study typhoid in the army encampments of the U. Kean and his first wife Louise were great supporters of the U. Army Yellow Fever Commission's work, and Kean in fact served as quartermaster for the famous series of experiments at Camp Lazear.

After the dramatic and conclusive success of those experiments, Kean actively -- though unsuccessfully -- promoted Reed's candidacy for Surgeon General. Reed continued to speak and publish on yellow fever after his return from Cuba in , receiving honorary degrees from Harvard and the University of Michigan in recognition of his seminal work. In November , Reed developed what had been for him recurring gastro-intestinal trouble.

This time, however, his appendix ruptured, and surgery came too late to save him from the peritonitis which developed. He died on November 23, , almost two years to the day from the opening of Camp Lazear and the stunning experimental victory there. Kean remained a champion of his deceased friend's role in the conquest of yellow fever. He organized the Walter Reed Memorial Association, to provide support for Reed's family and to build a suitable memorial, and was instrumental in lobbying the United States Congress to establish the Yellow Fever Roll of Honor.

In , Congress mandated the annual publication of the Roll in the Army Register, and struck a series Congressional Gold Medals saluting the Commission members and the young Americans who bravely suffered experimental yellow fever a generation before. Army Yellow Fever Commission in Lazear's death from yellow fever at the outset of the commission's work in Cuba would lead to his elevation as a martyr for medical science in the eyes of many during the twentieth century.

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Lazear wrote his wife from Cuba on September 8, Lazear suddenly ended the young scientist's life. He was 34 years old. Unlike so many other yellow fever fatalities, however, this one would lead to a direct and highly successful assault on the disease itself. Yellow fever's ascendancy, endemic in Cuba, was about to be undermined.

Lazear had reported to Camp Columbia, Cuba in February for duty as an acting assistant surgeon with the U. Army Corps stationed on the island. Here he undertook bacteriological study of tropical diseases, particularly malaria and yellow fever, and in May he was named to the Army board charged with "pursuing scientific investigations with reference to the infectious diseases prevalent on the island of Cuba. Army Yellow Fever Commission -- though Lazear had already met Reed the preceding March on a project to evaluate the efficacy of electrozone, a disinfectant made from seawater collected off the Cuban coast.

While Reed was in Cuba that March, Lazear discussed with him the recent discovery of British scientist Sir Ronald Ross concerning the mosquito vector for malaria. At Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, where he was first a medical resident and later in charge of the clinical laboratory, Lazear had followed Ross's accomplishments with great interest, and pursued field work and experimentation on the Anopheles mosquito with fellow Hopkins scientist William S.

Lazear was thus the only member of the Commission who had experience with mosquito work, and was consequently the most open to the possible verity of Cuban scientist Carlos Juan Finlay's theory of mosquito transmission for yellow fever. The record is apparently silent as to when Lazear first visited Finlay. Certainly by late June Lazear was beginning to grow mosquito larvae acquired from Finlay's laboratory, the first specimens brought to him by Henry Rose Carter, of the United States Public Health Service.

However, Army Surgeon General George Miller Sternberg, who organized the Yellow Fever Commission, first charged the board members to investigate the relationship of Bacillus icteroides to yellow fever -- proposed by the Italian Scientist Giuseppe Sanarelli as the actual cause of the disease. Reed had been in the old discussion over Sanarelli's bacillus and he still works on that subject," Lazear wrote his wife in July, "I am not all interested in it but want to do work which may lead to the discovery of the real organism.

The relatively quick failure of the Bacillus icteroides inquiry opened the door to what became the ground-breaking mosquito work, and Lazear was well placed to begin. The project started in earnest on August 1, In a small pocket notebook Lazear noted the preparatory work of raising and infecting mosquitoes, and subsequently recorded the series of eleven experimental inoculations made from the 11th to the 31st of August, the last two producing cases of full-blown yellow fever.

These two positive cases developed from mosquitoes allowed to ripen over a period of 12 days, and this was Lazear's crucial discovery. The epidemiological pattern was thus entirely consistent with Carter's observations of a delay between the primary and secondary outbreaks of yellow fever in an epidemic, and, in addition, explained why Finlay's experiments had been largely unsuccessful -- he had not waited long enough before inoculating his subjects. Although Lazear never directly admitted to experimenting on himself, when Reed reviewed Lazear's sketchy notations he evidently found entries strongly suggesting Lazear's case was not accidental, as officially reported.

Unfortunately, the little notebook so crucial to the preparation of the Commission's famous initial paper, The Etiology of Yellow Fever -- A Preliminary Note [5], vanished from Reed's Washington office after his own untimely death in Still, Lazear's invaluable contribution to the Commission's victory was widely recognized and elicited tributes from many quarters: "He was a splendid, brave fellow," Reed said of his young colleague, " and I lament his loss more than words can tell; but his death was not in vain- His name will live in the history of those who have benefited humanity.

Howard wrote to Mabel Lazear, "and I am proud to have known him. His work contributed towards one of the greatest discoveries of the century, the results of which will be of invaluable benefit to mankind. Though Lazear's one-year-old son and newborn daughter never knew their father, they grew up in a world liberated -- almost in its entirety -- from the disease that killed him. Public Health Service who was a leading authority in the transmission and control of tropical diseases, particularly yellow fever and malaria.

During his long career as a sanitarian, Carter undertook campaigns to investigate and control the spread of tropical diseases in Cuba, the Panama Canal Zone, the Southeastern United States, and Peru. Carter obtained a civil engineering degree from Virginia in and also undertook post-graduate work in mathematics and applied chemistry the next year.

Subsequently, however, Carter's interests turned towards medicine, and he completed a medical degree at the University of Maryland in The same year Assistant Surgeon Carter joined the Marine Hospital Service -- later the United States Public Health Service -- and the young surgeon rose steadily through the ranks, ultimately attaining the position of Assistant Surgeon General in Carter's initial assignments with the Hospital Service placed him at the center of the yellow fever maelstrom.

In he was detailed to Memphis and other Southern cities, then in the throes of a second year of devastating epidemics. Here began, as his colleague T. Griffitts observed, Carter's "lifelong interest in the epidemiology and control of yellow fever. Here and at subsequent quarantine station postings around the Gulf, he quietly championed a thorough review and rationalization of quarantine policies, with a view toward establishing uniform regulation, more thorough disinfection of vessels, and minimized interference with naval commerce.

Crucial to the success of these activities was Carter's attention to the incubation period of yellow fever, which his on-site observations indicated to vary between 5 and 7 days. At the time the official literature stated with far less precision a variance of between 1 and 14 days; Carter's work consequently greatly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of quarantine operations. Nevertheless, yellow fever continued to menace the temperate coastline of the United States, and Carter ably directed the Health Service's epidemiological control efforts in numerous threatened regions.

In conjunction with this sanitary work for the season, Carter made detailed notes on the development of yellow fever at Orwood and Taylor, Mississippi. The isolation of these communities enabled him to identify more reliably the phenomenon of a delay between the initial cases of yellow fever in a locality and the subsequent appearance of secondary infection -- a delay two to four times longer than the incubation period of the disease in an infected person.

Carter called this interval between the primary and secondary cases "the period of extrinsic incubation," and he defined its "usual limits. Before he was able to publish his conclusions, Carter took the helm of the quarantine service in war-time Cuba. There, in , he met U. Carter had finally arranged for his paper's publication that year in the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, and gave a draft to Lazear. Finlay began to seem more likely. And indeed it was. The Commission's experiments in irrefutably proved the mosquito vector and established the extrinsic incubation period at twelve days.

Shortly after these successes Reed saluted Carter, "I know of no one more competent to pass judgment on all that pertains to the subject of yellow fever. You must not forget that your own work in Mississippi did more to impress me with the importance of an intermediate host than everything else put to-gether. Carter's long and distinguished sanitary career took him to the Panama Canal Zone in , where he served as Chief Quarantine Officer and Chief of Hospitals for five years.

He undertook detailed investigations and control measures of malaria in North Carolina and elsewhere in the South, and became a founder of the National Malaria Committee. With the support of the Rockefeller Foundation International Health Board, he undertook additional investigation and control measures for yellow fever in Central and South America. His expertise recommended him to the Peruvian government, which named Carter Sanitary Advisor in Health problems at the end of his life compelled Carter to withdraw from active fieldwork, though he remained a highly valued consultant to the Health Board and a much-beloved and respected teacher for a new generation of sanitarians.

Carter closed his career researching and writing the manuscript that his daughter Laura Armistead Carter edited and published posthumously in Yellow Fever: An Epidemiological and Historical Study of its Place of Origin. Army physician who was a leading authority in sanitation, public health, and tropical diseases. Later in his career, Kean would become widely recognized for his role in organizing and administering medical services for the U.

Hench of Jefferson Randolph Kean.

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On the advice of yellow fever experiment volunteer John J. Moran, Hench first wrote Kean in From that initial contact developed a close friendship which would last for the remainder of their lives. Kean entrusted Hench not only with numerous period documents, including original letters, accounts, fever charts, and other items, but also with the freely-given counsel and insight of a trusted friend. Kean joined the U. Army Medical Corps in , and after forty years in the service, retired with the rank of Colonel. Congress awarded him a promotion to Brigadier General, retired, in The early years of Kean's career passed in medical postings in the American West, and no doubt offered him experiences similar to those of Walter Reed, whom he met not on the frontier, but in Florida in Kean became an expert in tropical diseases and sanitation during his five-year assignment in the Florida tropics, an expertise which served him well over two terms of service later in Cuba.

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During the Spanish-American War and subsequent U. After a four-year interlude as an assistant to the Surgeon General in Washington, D. As early as October 13, -- after the Board's preliminary work, but before the final convincing demonstrations -- Kean issued "Circular No. Kean subsequently served as quartermaster and financial administrator for the famous series of yellow fever experiments at Camp Lazear and, for the rest of his life, Kean remained a strong proponent of the Commission's conclusions.

He worked tirelessly not only to apply them in the field, but also to accord proper public recognition to the Commission's work. In addition to his career as a sanitarian, Kean organized the department of military relief of the American Red Cross, and during World War One served as Chief of the U. Cuban authorities as well offered Kean recognition with the grand cross of the Order of Merit Carlos J. For a decade after his retirement from active duty, Kean edited this last organization's medical journal, The Military Surgeon, and served on the Surgeon General's editorial board for the multi-volume history of the medical department in World War One.

A great-grandson of Thomas Jefferson, Kean also took a seat with the government commission established to build the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D. He held charter membership in the Walter Reed Memorial Association, and remained active in its affairs until his death in In addition to his medical research, Hench spent almost three decades of his life studying the history of the U. Army Yellow Fever Commission and became a leading authority in the subject. After attending local schools, Hench entered Lafayette College and graduated from the school with a Bachelor of Arts.

Hench completed his medical degree at the University of Pittsburgh in , and subsequently entered a residency program at St.

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Francis Hospital, Pittsburgh. His association with the Mayo Clinic began in as a fellow at the institution. Two years later he would become an assistant at the clinic, and then, in , he would be made the head of its Department of Rheumatic Diseases After pursuing post-graduate study in Germany in , Hench obtained a Masters of Science in Internal Medicine at the University of Minnesota in , and a Doctor of Science degree from Lafayette College in Hench remained for the duration of his career at the Mayo Clinic, where his life-long passion for meticulous research and analysis brought him the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine in , which he shared with Edward C.

Kendall and Tadeus Reichstein, for the discovery of cortisone. The same persistence and determination present in his professional life is also evident in Hench's research on the U. Army Yellow Fever Commission's famous experiments. Moran in , "I have been long interested in the story of the yellow fever work in John J.