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Manual Indexes of All Six Healing Books Published by Sidi Muhammad Press

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How Do You Pray. Loriliai Biernacki. Her research interests include Hinduism, gender, and the interface between religion and science. How I found god in everyone and everywhere. Gregory Blann. When Oceans Merge. Venerable Bhikkhu Bodhi. He was ordained in Sri Lanka in and lived in Asia for twenty-four years. For eighteen years he was editor for the Buddhist Publication Society in Kandy. Bodhi has many important publications to his credit, the most recent being a full translation of the Anguttara Nikaya, Numerical Discourses of the Buddha.

In , he founded Buddhist Global Relief, a nonprofit providing hunger relief and education in countries suffering from chronic poverty and malnutrition. Y How Do You Pray? George Boeree. George Boeree is a retired psychology professor at Shippensburg University, Pa. Born in the Netherlands, he grew up on Long Island, N. He is married to Judith Kovarik and has three grown daughters and two grandchildren.

Saniel Bonder. Shelley Boris. Trained as a painter, Shelley has cooked for years as a professional chef. Shelley is partner, creative director, and executive chef at Fresh Company. Fresh Company runs the food service at Storm King Art Center and the Garrison Institute, as well as off-premise catering for private and corporate clients. Shelley is inspired by a diversity of regional cooking styles and has cooked for such personalities as the Dalai Lama and Mikhail Gorbachev.

Shelley curates an annual Earth Day meal open to the public at the Garrison Institute with speakers sharing insights into environmental issues. Her cookbook received praise and added to the evolving dialogue of eating well and responsibly. Her book emphasizes cooking with attention to detail, combined with the everyday need to feed oneself and others. Cynthia Bourgeault. Modern day mystic, Episcopal priest, writer, and internationally known retreat leader, Cynthia Bourgeault divides her time between solitude at her seaside hermitage in Maine, and a demanding schedule traveling globally to teach and spread the recovery of the Christian contemplative and Wisdom path.

She has also authored or contributed to numerous articles and courses on the Christian spiritual life. Cynthia continues to contribute to The Contemplative Society in her role as Principal Teacher and advisor. She is passionately committed to the recovery and wider promulgation of the Christian nondual tradition, and has worked closely with Thomas Keating, Bruno Barnhart, Richard Rohr, as well as many other contemplative teachers and leaders within the Christian tradition and other spiritual paths.

Cynthia makes her home in Stonington, Maine. Sarah Bowen. Sarah Bowen is an award-winning author, multifaith spiritual educator, inspired speaker A graduate of New York City's One Spirit Interfaith Seminary, Rev Sarah is passionate about the study of the world's great faith traditions as well as travel to quirky, spiritually-charged locations. As a member of Spiritual Directors International, Sarah seeks to help others connect with the higher power of their own understanding, in whatever way is meaningful.

She hopes to one day to help put a massive dent in the factory farming industry. Before starting her spiritual journey, Sarah spent a few decades as a designer and brand strategist in New York City. Spiritual Rebel. Gregg Braden. New York Times bestselling author Gregg Braden is internationally renowned as a pioneer in bridging science and spirituality. Following a successful career as a computer geologist for Phillips Petroleum during the s energy crisis, he worked as a senior computer systems designer with Martin Marietta Defense Systems during the last years of the Cold War.

For more than 25 years, Gregg has searched high mountain villages, remote monasteries and forgotten texts to uncover their timeless secrets. Steve Brett. Steve Brett was born in in the U. Today, Steve is an independent scholar and the co-founder of the intercivilizational dialogue project 3rd Space. Cynthia Brix. Cynthia Brix is a contemplative interfaith minister and codirector of Satyana Institute. She is cofounder of the Gender Reconciliation International project, which conducts training programs for reconciliation between women and men in South Africa, Australia, India, Colombia and North America.

Jeff Brown. He is also the author of the viral blog Apologies to the Divine Feminine and the producer and key journeyer in the award winning spiritual documentary Karmageddon , which also stars Ram Dass, Seane Corn, Wah! Adam Bucko. Charles Burack. Charles Burack, Ph. He is the author of three books and numerous essays, poems, and stories. In his latest poetry collection, Leaves of Light Apocryphile, , the sacred Earth comes alive as Burack meets trees, flowers, birds, spiders, cats, seals, and other wondrous and endangered creatures as equals.

They share their wisdom and beauty, love and fear, humor and suffering, and inspire in him profound ponderings, playful antics, and startling realizations. Burack is a professor at John F. Kennedy University, where he teaches courses on psychology, spirituality, and literature and has pioneered contemplative and creative approaches to education. Sita Jamieson Caddle. Sita Jamieson Caddle has been chanting in the United States for the past 25 years and has led chanting evenings in Singapore, Bali and India. She started within the Hindu tradition of Kirtan and expanded out to all traditions to reach broader audiences.

She blends sacred poetry into her evenings, weaving a tapestry of chant and spoken word that is powerful and celebratory. Sita is a teacher in the art of chanting and her classes allow people to become more fluid in their own ability to sing. She also works with sound as a healing modality combined with energy work to create a complete healing session. A native of Ireland, Sita feels her voice comes out of her Celtic roots; its full resonance expresses an ancient, earthy form of song.

How DO You Pray? Born in London in , Peter Caddy was raised within esoteric Christian and occult circles, and attended Harrow boarding school. His brother-in-law initiated him into the Rosicrucian Order. In , after several jobs, a failed first marriage, and 15 years as a Royal Air Force officer of catering, Peter and his second wife, Eileen Jessop Caddy born in in Alexandria, Egypt , moved to a Scottish trailer park with their three children and their friend Dorothy Maclean.

Their group, Findhorn Foundation, became a thriving New Age intentional community. Peter left Findhorn in after Eileen stopped receiving guidance. He married twice more, founded another community in California, and died in a car accident in Germany in Eileen died at Findhorn in In , Dorothy Maclean celebrated her 96th birthday at Findhorn, which now has approximately residents. Conversations in the spirit. Mariana Caplan. Mariana Caplan, born in , is a psychotherapist, yoga teacher and author in the fields of psychology and spirituality. Her primary teacher was Lee Lozowick.

Spiritual Transmission. George Cappannelli. Sedena Cappannelli. Sedena Cappannelli is the co-founder of AgeNation, a digital media company supporting people ages forty and over to live more conscious and engaging lives. She is recognized nationally as a speaker, award-winning author and Enlivened Ageing and wellness consultant. In her talks and programs, Sedena combines personal development, energy management and corporate strategies to help individuals and organizations create greater balance, vitality, productivity and purpose, and includes practical wisdom from her books Say Yes To Change, Authenticity and the bestseller Do Not Go Quietly.

She is also the creator of P. Deepak Chopra. He is the founder of the Chopra Foundation and cofounder of Jiyo. Chopra is recognized as a prolific author of more than 85 books, translated into over 43 languages; 25 of his books have achieved the status of New York Times Bestsellers. His latest national bestseller, The Healing Self , was coauthored with Dr. Rudolph Tanzi. Chopra is also a contributing columnist for the San Francisco Chronicle.

Philip Clayton. His research focuses on biological emergence, religion and science, process studies, and contemporary issues in ecology, religion, and ethics. John B. Cobb Jr. In , he was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Andrew Cohen. Poonja and became a spiritual teacher in He created the teaching of Evolutionary Enlightenment, founded the nonprofit organization EnlightenNext and launched EnlightenNext magazine.

The organization collapsed in , when Andrew was forced by his senior students to resign from his teaching position; subsequently, allegations of abuse of power and money surfaced. After two years in retreat, he began teaching again and leading retreats. Deirdre B. Combs is a cross-cultural leadership and conflict resolution consultant, executive coach, and university professor. She has worked with a myriad of corporate, government, and NGO clients over the past 25 years, including Aveda Corporation; the U.

Combs has provided intensive leadership development training to thousands of State Department-sponsored international teachers, students, activists, and business professionals. Daniel Craig. He is a native New Mexican. How DO you pray?. Elizabeth Cunningham. Elizabeth Cunningham is the descendant of nine generations of Episcopal priests. She grew up hearing rich sometimes terrifying liturgical and biblical language. When she was not in church or school, she read fairytales and fantasy novels or wandered in the enchanted wood of an overgrown, abandoned estate next door to the rectory.

Her religious background, the magic of fairytales, and the numinous experience of nature continue to inform her work. Cunningham is best known for The Maeve Chronicles , a series of award-winning novels featuring a feisty Celtic Magdalen, all published by Monkfish. Murder at the Rummage Sale , August , is her debut mystery novel. She is at work on a sequel. An ordained interfaith minister, Cunningham is in private practice as a counselor.

Lama Surya Das. He is an authorized lama in the Tibetan Buddhist order and the founder of the Dzogchen Center. Ram Dass. Ram Dass first went to India in He was still Dr. Richard Alpert, an eminent Harvard psychologist and psychedelic pioneer with Dr. Timothy Leary. He now makes his home in Maui, teaching worldwide through his website at RamDass. Andrew M. Davis is a philosopher, theologian and scholar of world religions.

His research interests include metaphysics and philosophical theology, philosophy of religion, natural theology, comparative religion, and applied spirituality. His studies have led him to India, Israel-Palestine, and Europe. Jeff Davis. Jeffrey Davis is a writer, speaker, and consultant. He writes an online column on the science of creativity for Psychology Today and for The Creativity Post and also heads up the renegade team at Tracking Wonder Consultancy where he is building a movement of business artists and works with top professionals and teams to shape their captivating Story - in brands, signature assets, and intentional lives.

The journey from the center to the page. Tom Davis. Tom Davis was an Emmy Award winning American writer and comedian. Chris Deckker. Musician, artist and visionary entrepreneur Chris Deckker has been involved in the arts and entertainment industry for over thirty years. His extensive experience spans every level of the industry, from artistic to business. Ilia Delio. She lectures nationally and internationally in the areas of science, religion, and culture, and is the general editor for the series Catholicity in an Evolving Universe, published by Orbis Books.

David Dellinger. David Dellinger was born in in Wakefield, Massachusetts. While at Yale University, he was arrested for demonstrating for the trade union movement. After graduating Phi Beta Kappa in economics, he worked in a factory and lived among the homeless. He spent three years in federal prison, starting in , for refusing military service, and was physically abused during solitary confinement. His friends included Dr. His books include his autobiography, From Yale to Jail Yogi Amrit Desai.

Yogi Amrit Desai is recognized as one of the pioneers of the authentic teachings of yoga in the West. Born in India in , he met Swami Shri Kripalvanandji in Although Amrit was only 15, he knew he had found his teacher and immediately became a disciple of the renowned Shaktipat Kundalini master. He has followed his teachings ever since.

After teaching art in a middle school, Amrit left India for America in February , initially to receive a college degree. After earning a BFA and winning numerous awards for his paintings, his spiritual mission drove him to leave a promising career to practice and teach yoga to a few dedicated followers.

As one of the earliest Indian gurus who came to the U. The yoga of relationships. Sri Mata Amritanandamayi Devi. Through her extraordinary acts of love, inner strength and self-sacrifice, Amma has endeared herself to millions and inspired thousands to follow in her path of selfless service. Joan Diver. As Boston's Hyams Foundation's first executive director, Joan Diver was nationally recognized for her creative leadership. A student of diverse spiritual paths and speaker from the heart, Joan has since offered healing to seekers, led contemplative and healing church ministries and partnered with her husband, Colin, in his role as President of Reed College.

Their urban story is chronicled in J. When Spirit Calls is Joan's first book. Eben Dodd is an artist living in Oakland, California. Since moving to the Bay Area in , he has been exhibiting drawings and paintings in galleries on the West Coast. Previously, his work appeared in WW3 Illustrated Magazine. America needs a woman president. Elayne Doughty. With her extensive background in soul transformation, the divine feminine, recovery, addictions, trauma, mental health, she has over twenty years of experience working with women who are transforming a painful past to a powerful present and an extraordinary future.

Oriah Mountain Dreamer. Donna Eden. Her book Energy Medicine has been translated into eighteen languages and was named the Health Book of the Year at the prestigious Nautilus Book Awards. Its sequel, Energy Medicine for Women , won gold medals in two national competitions. Normandi Ellis.

Normandi Ellis is a spiritualist medium and the author of ten books of fiction and nonfiction. Her nonfiction is rooted in her studies and travels in Egypt and includes the spiritual classic Awakening Osiris. Her recent fiction, Going West , was published by Wind Publications.

She facilitates spiritual travel through Egypt in conjunction with Shamanic Journeys. How do you pray? Patricia Ellsberg. Patricia Ellsberg is a social change activist, meditation teacher and coach. She has been a lifelong partner to Daniel Ellsberg and in their first year of marriage helped him release the top-secret Pentagon Papers, which contributed to ending the Vietnam War. A central theme of her life has been creating a bridge between political activism and spiritual experience.

Masaru Emoto. Masaru Emoto was born in Japan in July He began to discover the mystery of water as he learned the concept of micro-cluster water and magnetic resonance analysis technology. Eventually, he realized that it was in the frozen crystal form that water showed us its true nature through. He has gained worldwide acclaim through his groundbreaking research and discovery that water is deeply connected to our individual and collective consciousness.

He is a long-time advocate for peace in relation to water. Bill Epperly. Bill Epperly , born in in New Jersey, is an integral coach, a mindfulness teacher at DePaul University and a mentor in the organization Trillium Awakening. He lives in Chicago. Jennifer Esperanza. Jennifer Esperanza is a culture and art photographer based in Santa Fe, N. She documented the humanitarian work in South India of Amma and her devotees after the Asian tsunami in and photographed in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina. She has photographed some of the greatest social-justice and earthjustice activists of our time, including Van Jones, Dr.

Auto/Biography and the Construction of Identity and Community in the Middle East

She also photographs music, fashion, culture, nature and erotica, and makes her own art. Road trips, travel, art and the ocean are some of her passions. Her work is known for its humanity, sensuality and beauty. She prays thanks with every click of her camera shutter. Susan Coppage Evans. Susan Coppage Evans is a nest builder. She has a passion and the skill for creating structures which foster the beauty and sustainability of lifegiving organizations. She completed her Doctorate of Ministry from the University of Creation Spirituality while serving as an executive in psychiatric healthcare, and initiated the formation of Creation Spirituality Communities in She hosts international retreats through her company, WholeHearted, Inc.

Rick Fields. In the early s, he became interested in Tibetan Buddhism, and in became a student of Chogyam Trungpa Rinpoche. His first work as a journalist was for the Whole Earth Catalog in He died at home in Fairfax, California, in He was James Finley. James Finley was born in in Ohio and currently resides in California. He is a retreat leader, Thomas Merton scholar, clinical psychologist and master of the Contemplative Way. Formerly, as a Trappist monk, he lived at the Abbey of Gethsemane in Kentucky, with Thomas Merton as his spiritual director.

Rabbi Tirzah Firestone. Rabbi Tirzah Firestone, Ph. Widely known for her work on Jewish feminism and the modern applications of Jewish mystical wisdom, Firestone teaches nationally on Jewish ancestral healing and the common boundary between ancient Jewish heritage and modern psychology. Rabbi Firestone lives in Colorado with her husband David. Together they have three grown children, Brianna, Emily, and Dakota. Wounds into Wisdom. Patricia operates today as a soul mentor from Santa Fe, N.

About this book

Her recent book, Becoming a Love Dog, is available on Amazon. Her current teaching involves using creativity as a force for conscious aging. She has clients worldwide. How do you pray?. Matthew Fox. Matthew Fox is an internationally acclaimed spiritual theologian, an Episcopal priest, and an activist who was a member of the Dominican Order for 34 years.

Learning to use Energy-The Healing Power of Sufi Meditation Disc 2 Part 1 Sufi Meditation Center

He holds a doctorate, summa cum laude, in the History and Theology of Spirituality from the Institut Catholique de Paris. As a spiritual theologian, he has written 30 books that have been translated into 48 languages and have received numerous awards. His work has been honored by theologians, artists, healers, and thought leaders, as well as by many of his students. Carl Frankel. Carl Frankel is a writer, journalist and entrepreneur. For about two decades, he was a nationally-known thought leader specializing in sustainability and socially responsible business.

46 Best books images in | Witches, Box, Cabinet of curiosities

Since he has collaborated with Sheri Winston in The Center for the Intimate Arts, with roles ranging from strategic guidance to business development to event management to writing and editing. His book Out of the Labyrinth offered a high-level model of psyche and culture that provided deep insights into the nature of our global challenge. With Love and the More Perfect Union , his first book on relationships, Frankel brings his special aptitude for high-level modeling and insights to relationships. Amir Freimann. Amir Freimann was born in a kibbutz and grew up in a small village in Israel.

At the age of 17 he became deeply interested in spiritual-existential questions about the nature of consciousness, freedom, self and the Whole. He served in the Israeli army and became a pacifist after participating in the Lebanon War. He then studied medicine but at the end of the 5th year of his studies decided to devote his life to spiritual awakening.

He spent 2 years meditating in a Zen monastery in Japan and over 20 years doing intense spiritual practice and engaged in philosophical-spiritual exploration in the community of EnlightenNext in the USA. In he left the community and moved back to Israel. Shortly thereafter he began interviewing prominent spiritual teachers and their students which lead to the publication of Spiritual Transmission , which is his first book.

Stephen Fulder. Stephen Fulder was born in in London and earned a Ph. He became involved in Vipassana meditation and practice in , spending years in India and later moving to Israel, where he founded Tovana, the Israel Insight Society. He has been teaching Buddhist meditation practice for nearly thirty years.

Arun Gandhi. Arun Gandhi worked as a journalist for the Times of India , Mumbai, for thirty years before coming to the United States to lecture on Gandhi and his philosophy of nonviolence at universities around the country and Europe. During the course of his life, he has rescued one hundred and twenty-eight abandoned newborn babies and found loving homes for them, and established cooperative programs in Indian villages, that have transformed the lives of over a million people. He is a much sought-after motivational speaker.

Sharon Gannon. Sharon Gannon is the co-creator with David Life of the Jivamukti Yoga Method, a path to enlightenment through compassion for all beings. Pattabhi Jois and Shyamdas, she is a pioneer in teaching yoga as spiritual activism and relating ancient teachings to the modern world. Sharon is also a musician and writer. Sharanam, is her latest album. Stephen Gaskin. He became an English professor, and, in , started an informal philosophy seminar known as Monday Night Class, which drew a big following.

Concerned that San Francisco was slipping into drug-induced decadence, he and followers caravanned to Tennessee to found The Farm collective on 1, acres. In the s, approximately 1, people lived there, keeping no liquor, guns, or chemical drugs; eating only vegetarian food; practicing meditation; and working for the collective. Gaskin died at home in Summertown, Tennessee, on July 1, , at age Jeremy Geffen. Michael Gelb. Michael J. A pioneer in the fields of creative thinking, accelerated learning and innovative leadership, he has authored fourteen books on creativity and innovation, including the international bestseller, How to Think Like Leonardo Da Vinci: Seven Steps to Genius Every Day.

Richard Geldard. Norma Gentile. Norma Gentile, a professional soprano and sound shaman, has combined a performance career with a private practice of energy healing for over twenty years. Over the years, Norma developed her own ability as a spiritual channel for those who teach Archangel Michael , those who heal Nature and those who do both the Hathors.

She continues to offer meditation concerts and coach those who want to more fully utilize their own voices and healing abilities. Allen Ginsberg. His father was a poet and schoolteacher. Ginsberg befriended Beat writers William S. Obscenity charges brought against his book Howl and Other Poems were dismissed in court, but the attention brought him recognition as a new voice in American poetry. A lifelong nonviolent, anti-war, anti-nuclear power, pro-gay rights, and anti-censorship activist, Ginsberg became a practicing Buddhist after meeting Trungpa Rinpoche, and helped him found the Naropa Institute and its Jack Kerouac School of Disembodied Poets in Boulder, Colorado.

Bernie Glassman. Bernie Glassman was a Zen master, author, and the founder of the Zen Peacemakers. Glassman had a Ph. He passed away in Dwight Goddard was a pivotal figure in early American Zen Buddhism. Disillusioned with the war, he became a missionary, sent first to China, and later to Japan, where he lived and studied at a Zen Buddhist Monastary outside Kyoto for a year. After his return to the United States in , he began writing books on Buddhism. He wrote and edited nine titles, among them, The Buddhist Bible , a work credited with influencing the views of Jack Kerouac and other Beat Generation authors.

Joseph Goldstein. After he graduated from Columbia University in , he joined the Peace Corps and was stationed in Thailand, where he first encountered Buddhism. In , he began a serious study of Buddhism that led him to India, Burma, and Tibet, and by he was teaching insight meditation retreats all over the world.

Prior to his work as a prolific teacher and spiritual practitioner Gorman worked as a speechwriter and press secretary for Senator Eugene McCarthy in the presidential campaign. His teaching, The Miracle Self, is practiced in 93 countries. Amit Goswami.

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Amit Goswami , Ph. Amit has written nine other popular books based on his research in quantum physics and consciousness. Father Bede Griffiths. He converted to Catholicism in the early s and soon after joined the Benedictine monastery Prinknash Abbey and took the name Bede. He later served as a Prior of Farnborough and then Pluscardin, during which time he gained an interest in Indian thought. He asked to go to India to set up a monastic foundation, but was denied. Later he was sent to India by the same abbot, but was to serve under the local bishop.

Deirdre Hade. Deirdre Hade is a spiritual teacher, master healer, mystic, poet and visionary leader in the ancient arts of the wisdom traditions of light. She is the founder of the Radiance Healing and Radiance Meditation Mystery School, facilitating thousands of healings, soul awakenings and journeys throughout the world.

Aliya B Haeri. Aliya B Haeri, born in in Hawaii, is a transpersonal psychologist, life coach and spiritual counselor with thirty years of international experience in psychotherapy. Shaykh Fadhlalla Haeri. Shaykh Fadhlalla Haeri, born in in Iraq, is a Sufi Master and spiritual philosopher, and the descendant of several generations of spiritual leaders. He is the author of more than thirty books on the principles of Islam, Sufism and enlightenment.

Roshi Joan Halifax. Roshi Joan Halifax, Ph. She is a founding teacher of the Zen Peacemaker Orde and her work and practice for more than four decades has focused on applied Buddhism. Gina Rose Halpern. Gina Rose Halpern, D. She has dedicated her life to Interfaith and inclusive education. As a chaplain, artist and teacher, she has practiced creative ways to serve across divides and provide compassionate care.

She is the author and illustrator of Where is Tibet? Diane Hamilton. Diane Hamilton, born in , is a mediator, group facilitator and teacher of Integral Spirituality and Zen, as well as the co-founder, with her husband, Zen teacher and lawyer Michael Mugaku Zimmerman, of Two Arrows Zen, a center for Zen study and practice with two locations in Utah. She is a Dharma heir of Genpo Roshi.

Andrew Harvey. Andrew Harvey is the founder and director of the Institute of Sacred Activism, an international organization that invites concerned people to take up the challenge of our contemporary global crises by becoming inspired and effective agents of change. Sacred activism is a form of compassion-in-action that is born of a fusion of deep spiritual passion with wise radical action in the world.

The largescale practice of sacred activism can become an essential force for preserving and healing the planet and its inhabitants. Andrew Harvey has taught at Oxford and Cornell Universities as well as various colleges and spiritual centers throughout the world. He has written over thirty books. Geneen Marie Haugen. Geneen Marie Haugen, Ph.

She is committed to the world-transforming potential of the human imagination in collaboration with the Earth community. Gerald Heard. He later toured and lectured prolifically in the United States. Zohara Meyerhoff Hieronimus. Zohara Meyerhoff Hieronimus, D. A visionary and futurist, Zoh is also a transspecies telepath who communicates with animals both wild and domestic. Lex Hixon. An overview of sacred traditions with an experiential bent and a generous spirit of universality, the book has been widely recognized as a classic in its field.

In , Lex founded Free Spirit magazine , a free directory of spiritual teachings and events in the New York area inspired by the contacts he made on the radio. In doing so, they inadvertently caused the borders to be ever more rigidly defined and carefully policed as frantic colonial officials sought to close Algeria off from external influences. Paradoxically, the geospiritual hinterlands of some activist sufis, such as the Rahmaniyya Shaykh Mustafa b.

Driven into. From the safety of his large, prosperous zawiya in Nafta, Sidi 'Azzuz sent out spiritual runners far and wide. By the eve of his death in , he had become the focal point of a smaller movement, within the larger Rahmaniyya idiom, whose members referred to themselves as "'Azzuziyya. Over-the-border migrations were intimately connected to the movement of information conveyed from place to place by myriad bearers and go-betweens. Access to news and rumors conferred a certain degree of mastery over events and their interpretation, even if those rumors deepened the collective sense of a topsy-turvy world.

The endless cycle of rumors about revolt and imminent deliverance from the degradation of foreign rule may have contributed to outbursts of rebellious behavior in nineteenth-century North Africa. Yet they also betrayed a sense of injustice and moral uncertainty as North Africans strove to comprehend the incomprehensible. Moreover, if improvised news and hearsay circulated far and wide among the humble and mighty alike, the information circuits came to include the doings of the French masters of Algeria or even events in Europe.

And Shaykh Mustafa b. The point is that information—like spiritual authority or political legitimacy—became, as will be argued, a commodity to be fought over and negotiated for. And in an age of intense uncertainty for both colonizer and colonized, access to news and information represented a contested arena for the powerless and empowered alike. The biographies collected here demonstrate how people participated either willingly or unwittingly in, were buffeted by, or in some cases forged larger social processes.

Indigenous political elites, religious notables, and simple folk were ensnared in translocal forces which at times gradually filtered down to the village, town, or tribe and at others burst precipitously upon them. Conversely, defiant groups on the margins of the state or just beyond the colonial state's grasp lured France into campaigns and conquests.

Thus, the European conquerors were frequently ensnared as well in regions and struggles for which they were ill prepared and for which they hastily devised solutions. And small-scale actions and hidden as well as explicit forms of contention contributed as much to the configurations of the colonial enterprise in the Maghrib as did large-scale movements or the decrees of those at the pinnacle of the imperial hierarchy. My conclusions point to the need for rethinking or reimagining the constantly fluctuating dialogue between the local and the translocal; new borders and markers for recasting North African history during the past century are needed.

For certain questions and certain periods, the nationstate as a unit of analysis does not suffice. Rather it camouflages or overlooks many of the significant forces and transformations occurring at the perimeters of the state or just beyond its unforeseen limits. This study does not pretend to be a full-blown "history from below.

The protagonists did not keep diaries or daily accounts of their endeavors. Nor would rebels like Bu Ziyan—had he survived—set about writing memoirs or autobiographies, genres largely unknown to that society in that age. In large part, documentation for rebellious activity is drawn from colonial observers and actors—military leaders, Bureaux Arabes officers, explorers, adventurers, and travelers—many of whom, although not all, had a stake in narrating events and conditions as accurately as possible.

The richest source by far are the archives of the Bureaux Arabes, whose meticulous accounts from "on the scene" resemble "whodunit" detective tales or police reports. The principal aim of the literature of surveillance was to ascertain the causes and motives underlying insurrection as well as to identify prime movers. In addition, there was a prophylactic dimension to these minute investigative inquiries; the ultimate intent was to learn from the past to better control the still unpredictable political future.

Moreover, some of the sources are akin to court records or legal transcripts. While the accused were often absent from the proceedings, having perished during revolts or fled the country, they were no less indicted, put. If the record of the rebellion led by Bu Ziyan reads like a novel—with a beginning, climax, and dramatic end—it also represents the text of a trial.

Those who wrote about Bu Ziyan and his followers were not only judging him and North African society but also the colonial regime itself, its potential flaws and political soft spots. An element of the inquisitorial undergirds the documents in their assessment of what went "wrong" and thus why events transpired as they did.

Zaynab's story also reads like a court case, although she was not on trial for classic insurrectionary behavior. Zaynab stood accused of being a "fille insoumise" a "disobedient woman". Her indocility toward those in authority—male military officers and their indigenous Muslim allies—provoked panic in Algiers in an era celebrated as the apogee of French Algeria. Letters and gentle rebukes were perceived as threatening the fragile edifice of colonial control. Ironically—or perhaps tragically—these stories, or fragments of such, are about people who altered unintentionally the direction of North African history even as they struggled against changes deemed undesirable to their vision of a desirable social order.

Many of the people of the Jarid are richer than the people of Ifriqiya because they possess remarkable and diverse varieties of dates. Traveling south from the city of Constantine, one reaches the small oasis of al-Qantara, located in a narrow gorge at the western edge of the Awras mountains. Named for the Roman bridge still in existence near the village, al-Qantara spanned several ecological and sociopolitical zones.

Low and flat, it is composed of chains of sabkhas salt marshes, often referred to incorrectly as shatts , or chotts , interspersed by oases devoted primarily to date-palm cultivation. The alternating pattern of dun-shaded sand and meager scrub, abruptly broken by the vivid color of the oases, inspired medieval Arab geographers to describe this part of the Sahara as "the skin of the leopard.

Biskra has always been the political, administrative, and economic center of the Ziban singular, Zab , an archipelago of oases that stretches as far east as the region of the Suf Souf adjacent to the Tunisian border. Conventional studies of the pre-Sahara in Algeria and Tunisia have, for the most part, treated these areas and their populations purely within the boundaries of the nation-state. Nevertheless, the activities of religious notables, pilgrims, and merchants, who moved constantly across the borders, served as a cultural bridge between the Tunisian and Algerian pre-Sahara until the early decades of the present century.

Biskra is located at the mouth of a large depression, the Wadi Biskra, which extends from the western edge of the Saharan Atlas range to the Awras. One of the most historically important passes in this part of the Sahara was the oasis of al-Qantara, where the high plateaus of the southern Constantine abruptly give way to the desert. Known as fumm al-Sahra' mouth of the Sahara , al-Qantara was the shortest, most practicable route for caravans, missionaries, or military contingents moving between the Tell and the Ziban, Tuqqurt Touggourt , and Warqala.

In eastern Algeria, the Ziban historically represented a march or frontier zone, due to its location at the point of confluence between central government rule from the north and that of powerful nomadic chieftains or Saharan dynasties in the south. Containing some of Algeria's highest peaks, the wild massifs of the Awras formed a barrier between the northern Constantine and the desert.

Because of this, the inhabitants of the southern Awras were more deeply involved in the economic and religious rhythms of the Ziban and pre-Sahara and its political life than with the north. Likewise the Bu Sa'ada region to the southwest of the Hodna chain enjoyed easy access to the Ziban's oases with which both the market town of Bu Sa'ada and the small nearby oasis of al-Hamil maintained intense spiritual, commercial, and other kinds of ties.

By holding the post of shaykh al-'arab , who was confirmed to office by the bey of the Constantine, tribal strongmen mediated relations between central governments and local populations, whether sedentary oasis cultivators or pastoral nomads; a few Saharan dynasties, such as the Banu Jallab of Tuqqurt and the Wadi Righ Oued Rir , succeeded in maintaining a jealously guarded semi-independence from Algiers until the nineteenth century.


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By controlling the passageways into Ifriqiya, the deep Sahara, or the Algerian Tell, elites such as the Banu 'Ukkaz or the Banu Jallab exerted considerable political and economic clout. This was true to a lesser extent of southwestern Tunisia. There the Jarid's leading oases, Nafta and Tuzar Tozeur , located in a narrow corridor between the shatt al-Gharsa and the shatt al-Jarid, dominated east-west exchanges between the two countries. In contrast to the situation in the southern Constantine, the beys of Tunis exerted relatively more influence upon the peoples of the Jarid through the mechanism of the annual mahalla tax-collecting expedition.

Nevertheless, the mahalla constituted more an exercise in ritualized political negotiation than an unambiguous statement about sovereign relations between the Jarid and Tunis. The prosperity and location of a particular group of oases determined the degree of interest in—or indifference to—them by central governments seeking to maximize tributary relations with an economy of means. The oases in this part of the pre-Sahara ranged in size and function from modest villages or hamlets, like Za'atsha, to regional market towns, such as Bu Sa'ada, to large, bustling caravan centers, such as Biskra, Warqala, Tuzar, or Nafta.

Propinquity to trade routes was the single most important factor shaping the degree of involvement in various types of exchanges—local, regional, interregional Tell to desert , and international either trans-Saharan or Mediterranean. These exchange networks, however, were not necessarily discrete but fed into one another.

Moreover, the presence of prominent Islamic religious and cultural institutions—madrasas, zawaya, and shrine centers—enhanced the commercial attraction of oases like Biskra, Sidi 'Uqba, or Nafta. Due to the trans-Saharan trade in slaves and other commodities, blacks inhabited some oases in relatively large numbers; for example in southern Tunisia they formed as much as one-quarter of the total sedentary population.

Both the Jews and Ibadiyya Islamic schismatics formed religiocommercial communities distinct from their neighbors. While the Ibadites were mainly concentrated in the Mzab's seven oasis cities, small diaspora communities were found in the Wadi Righ and the Ziban. Permanent settlements of Mzabis were not permitted in the Suf since the Suwafa inhabitants of the Suf rightfully feared them as formidable commercial competitors. Jewish communities were scattered about in the larger oasis towns and cities—in Biskra, Warqala, Tuqqurt, Tuzar, etc. Jewish traders often enjoyed ties of patronage with Muslim associates and were indispensable for economic and other sorts of exchanges.

The same was true of the ubiquitous Kabyle colporteurs, who also traded extensively in the Sahara as far south as Tuqqurt. The transition from desert to oasis signifies an abrupt socioecological change from extremely low to very high population densities, and from extensive to intensive modes of resource extraction. Here animal husbandry, commerce, industrial activities, and agriculture were juxtaposed in a remarkably intricate system seeking to utilize the meager resources of an inhospitable environment through risk avoidance.

From a material standpoint, risk avoidance meant that producers, whether sedentary or pastoral, attempted to diversify production, however minimally, and to construct patron-client networks to offset natural or man-made calamities and thus assure subsistence. Yet risk avoidance was a goal pursued in the realm of politics as well and was intimately related to the narrow range of options available in the pre-Saharan economy.

Since desert rainfall is infrequent and negligible, only irrigated agriculture can support large populations. The waters that flow from the mountains above Biskra have been organized into elaborate hydraulic systems for millennia. From Roman times, the region has been populated and farmed without interruption by peasant cultivators. Like the oases of. An oft-cited proverb from the Sahara holds that the date palm "likes its head in the sun and its roots in the water.

And the totality of oasis economy, society, and civilization was tied in one way or another to the date-palm gardens. The more prosperous oases combined both cash-crop, market-oriented agriculture with subsistence farming, although in relative mixes that varied from place to place. This system brought integration into larger networks of exchange which worked against social and political closure.

The two principal centers for the production and marketing of dates were the Ziban, which in the last century boasted some three million productive date palms, and the Jarid-Nafzawa complex, which counted almost two million trees. These were the only regions in North Africa that produced the daqala al-nur date in quantities large enough to stimulate a considerable export sector.

This type of "luxury" date was mainly a cash crop produced for sale or barter in local, regional, or international markets; it was also collected as a tax in kind by traditional central authorities. Many of the more common varieties of dates—and they were legion until the twentieth century—belonged both to the subsistence and to the "barter" sectors; some were mainly for home consumption while others were sought by consumers outside of the oases. Particularly in the Jarid and the Ziban, the peasants cultivated citrus and other types of fruit trees which flourished under the shade "umbrella" provided by the date palms.

Underneath this second layer of vegetation grew yet another stratum of flora—vines, vegetables, and fodder; much of this was consumed by the garden owner or cultivator and represented a short-term insurance policy against natural or political disasters. If heavy autumn rains spoiled the date crop or tribal warfare disrupted the caravan traffic bringing grains from the north, then the garden could provide adequate nourishment. A few of the oases, notably Biskra, were able to produce grains barley and wheat , although never in quantities to achieve self-sufficiency.

The demand for grains grown elsewhere in North Africa and consumed by pastoral nomads and peasants in the Sahara was the flywheel of interregional commerce between Tell and the desert. And the need to procure grains from the outside also shaped the array of political choices available to desert rebels. Apart from dates, some cash or "industrial" crops were produced in the traditional oasis economy. The Suf has long cultivated an excellent tobacco, which was highly prized among North.

Africans and mainly sent to Tunisia through the contraband trade. Henna, so important for ritual-ceremonial and medicinal purposes, could be grown only in limited quantities, and imported Egyptian henna met the remainder of local needs. In the nineteenth century, these industrial plants—henna, tobacco, and wars a plant used in dying textiles —were raised in small quantities and used by the peasant cultivators to pay taxes or to acquire a limited range of products not produced by the local economy, particularly raw or finished silk and cotton thread needed for weaving.

Yet their importance to the precarious peasant household economy was considerable, above all in relation to textiles made on looms in the domestic compound. As in Asia or preindustrial Europe, textile manufacture was the single most important handicraft activity until factory-made European commodities began to compete with indigenous products in the past century. Oasis cottage industries produced a wide variety of woven articles designed to meet domestic needs and to effect various kinds of exchanges.

After meeting household demand, family looms turned out a surplus intended for exchange in local or even regional markets. While textile production did not give rise to an artisan "class" as such, it was relatively specialized since certain types of textiles were made by specific groups. The finished products were normally not marketed by female producers but reached consumers through a series of intermediaries formed by kinship or patron-client relations or both.

Local or regional specialization as well as the distribution of cottage industry fabrics created extensive trade networks. For example, Tuzar produced an especially fine woolen burnus a hooded cloak , while Nafta was famous for its safsari cloak of silk mixed with high-grade wool. Both of these were exported not only to other parts of the Maghrib but also to the Mashriq and commanded hefty prices.

Their consumers were mainly urban, oasis, and tribal elites or Tunisian court notables who collected these luxury garments annually as a tax in kind from Jaridi producers. Taken to-. Nevertheless, the most crucial item for the Sahara in that triangular trade was grain. The incessant demand for cereals grown in the Tell would place limits upon sustained political action by desert peoples, particularly during the revolt of — Beside the peasantry, other social groups participated in the political economy of the Sahara—merchants or traders, privileged saintly lineages, and pastoralists.

However, rigid distinctions did not necessarily exist between either pastoral nomads and oasis cultivators or between merchants and nomads. In times of crisis, sedentary oasis dwellers have abandoned their gardens for herding or stock breeding; throughout the centuries pastoral-nomadic peoples have settled to engage in agriculture, frequently in combination with animal husbandry.

During certain moments in the date cultivation cycle, pastoralists gathered in large numbers in the oases to barter their products for dates, provide transportation and guides for caravans, or offer their labor for the harvest. Yet the pastoral nomads were both friend and foe. While they supplied indispensable goods and services, tribal groups often exacted tribute from traders and oasis inhabitants.

In years of drought or insufficient pasturage, nomads raided caravans and travelers, rendered trade routes insecure, or swarmed into the oases, much to the dismay of sedentary populations. Intertribal quarrels, one main source of political unrest in the Sahara, spilled over into the social life of desert towns and villages; the reverse was also true as oasis vendettas and struggles found a resonance among allied pastoral-nomadic groups.

Thus, one of the most significant elements in the Sahara's political economy was sedentary-nomad mutualism which juxtaposed complementary modes of production, resulting in both cooperation and conflict. Anthropologists have observed that the phenomenon of "vertical nomadism"—a fixed, annual migratory regime linking several different ecological niches—was more characteristic of Morocco and Algeria than Tunisia. Comparing North Africa with Southwest Asia, Donald Johnson also noted that the Maghribi pattern of "oscillating pastoral movement" resembles that of the mountain nomads of the Near East who take advantage of "altitudinal seasonal variations" to subsist.

Some pastoralists possessed date-palm gardens, invariably worked by khammas roughly, peasant sharecroppers who often enjoyed patron-client relations or kinship ties or both with pastoral owners. The seasonal sojourn of the pastoralists in the north had political implications. It allowed the Turkish government and later colonial authorities to levy taxes on the tribes in state-controlled markets and meant that tribal leaders maintained ties with central authorities in the Constantine.

For example, the 'Arba'a Larba'a of al-Aghwat Laghouat and the Sa'id 'Atba of Warqala spent the summer months with their herds in the western Tell below the massifs of the Ouarsenis. Those found in the immediate region of the Ziban and Wadi Righ migrated north either by going around the Awras via al-Qantara or by passing through strategic valleys in the Awras mountains, such as the pass near the village of Khanqa Sidi Naji, home to a powerful saintly lineage and Rahmaniyya zawiya by the early nineteenth century.

The semiannual displacement of nomadic peoples in Algeria, a surprisingly regular, ordered process, was still partially operative in the south as late as the Second World War. Similar sorts of long-distance, desert-to-Tell migrations did not ordinarily take place in Tunisia, where pastoral displacements were much more restricted; nor did the Saharan tribes in Morocco cross the High Atlas mountains. For Algeria this pattern has historically meant that certain kinds of exchanges, particularly those involving bulk goods and food items, have tended to take place along a north-south axis; the international trade in luxury commodities and the pilgrimage traffic between Taza in Morocco and Ifriqiya moved along the transversal or east-west routes.

It had an impact upon the shape of collective action and popular protest and upon religious alliances between tribal groups and various Rahmaniyya centers controlled by privileged saintly lineages. The very fact that recalcitrant tribes regularly fled across the fluid borders to avoid taxation constitutes in itself an implicit recognition of the territorial limits between the two regencies. The great Sha'amba confederation, which participated in the revolt led by the Sharif of Warqala, covered an immense area in the Algerian Sahara stretching from the Mzab to the Suf in the east and as far south as Tuareg territory.

In contrast, the pastoral nomads of the Suf did not normally cover the enormous distances of other Algerian tribes since they tended to follow an east-west axis which brought them at times into the Tunisian Jarid and Nafzawa. Another factor was the beylical mahalla, whose annual tax-collecting forays into southern Tunisia, aimed principally at the prosperous, yet refractory, sedentary inhabitants of the Jarid, also discouraged, momentarily at least, tribal conflicts.

The decision on the part of Saharan peoples either to take up arms or to delay collective action for a more propitious moment was often a function of the pastoralists' migratory regime. In many cases, the timing of a revolt was a function of the presence—or absence—of certain tribal groups in a particular region. Annual tribal movements were in turn dictated by the unremitting search for adequate pasturage and the agrarian cycles of the oases which demanded additional labor at specific times.

Thus, an ecology of political action existed prior to and would determine the terms of the colonial encounter for decades after the French conquest. While stock breeding and animal husbandry were the mainstays of the pastoral-nomadic economy, trade and commerce—and the closely related activity of raiding—were nearly of equal importance. Pastoralists actively participated in Saharan commerce in three basic ways: the provision of transport services, the furnishing of protection, and the distribution of their own products in markets through barter or sale.

To these were added middleman functions since some of the tribes, such as the Awlad Amir of the Suf, acted as commercial intermediaries between desert and steppe economies. Finally, patterned economic behavior, structured by patron-client arrangements, assured the distribution of oasis surplus outside of the pre-Sahara and represented another dimension of sedentary-nomad mutualism. Commodity transfers over a wide geographical and political space were facilitated by pacts establishing patronage ties between oasis producers, traders, and pastoralists.

In some cases these ties spanned the borders between the two Turkish regencies. Merchants from the Suf, who habitually traded in the Tunisian Nafzawa, maintained protection agreements with specific tribal groups in southern Tunisia. Yet whenever tribal warfare or excessive state fiscal pressures upon accessible nomadic groups rendered raiding more lucrative than protection, the price of transport would rise according to the dangers involved, thus wreaking havoc upon Saharan commerce. In addition to offering security to sedentary clients, pastoral-nomadic peoples have long been pivotal in another related economic activity—smuggling and contraband.

In the Maghrib as well as in parts of Iran, Anatolia, and elsewhere in the Near East, pastoralists have facilitated extralegal from the political center's point of view exchanges due to their involvement in transport at the margins of the state. Tribal smugglers in southern Algeria and Tunisia were inevitably associated in these enterprises with oasis merchants, port traders, and even local agents of the government. Some tribes, such as the Tunisian Ghrib and the Algerian Sha'amba, came to specialize in contraband by the middle of the nineteenth century when the booming demand for European firearms and gunpowder in Algeria encouraged the trade in these prohibited "luxury" items.

As was true in sedentary-pastoralist relations, the nomads were both foe and friend of the traditional political center. If some pastoral-nomadic groups defied central governments by raiding, smuggling, and fiscal evasion of various sorts, others offered their services as irregular makhzan i.

As Nikki Keddie has pointed out, the histories of Iran and. Thus, while the tribes were often located at the fluctuating margins of the state, they were not marginal to that state since an uneasy form of mutualism existed between political center and pastoral-nomadic society. The inhabitants of the oases, many of whom claimed pastoral-nomadic origins, were more often than not deeply divided; these divisions frequently played into the hands of central authorities in both the Turkish and colonial periods.

Moreover, tribal alliance systems, or saffs , discussed in subsequent chapters, were recreated within sedentary oasis societies, thus involving settled communities in much larger political contests. At the local level, however, daily conflicts erupted from the endless struggles over land and above all water—the "friend of the powerful. Islamic law and 'urf customary law theoretically cede to property owners the rights to water flowing upon their land.

Water rights could be inherited and theoretically alienated—sold, lent, mortgaged, or established as hubus waqf , or a pious endowment. Nevertheless, in some places in the pre-Sahara of Algeria, water belonged rather to the community and was collectively held. Therefore, water represented more than just a scarce resource, it constituted a bundle of symbols to be fought over. As such water rights were the stuff of oral traditions and folklore which accounted either for group identities or communal antagonisms. The discourse of water, and of rights. The crucial technical as well as social problem was water distribution, and this more than anything else was the root of quotidian strife.

In the Suf, underground sources were normally held and exploited directly by the owner of a particular plot, and allocation posed fewer difficulties. Yet waters flowing through extensive, complex systems, like those in the Ziban or the Jarid, had to be meticulously allotted since they irrigated gardens with numerous contiguous owners and cultivators.

The most common method of repartition was by measured units of time as opposed to volume or a combination of time and volume units. Here the water clock, or qadus clepsydra , played a pivotal role. The control and distribution of water were solely the domain of the local group or more precisely of notables from a particular community. Central government authorities rarely interfered in the collective administration of water resources, nor did the state, in this part of the Maghrib, levy any sort of tax upon water.

Moreover, water distribution and control were intimately associated with supernatural events and holy persons—local oasis saints, living and dead, and the organized cults honoring them. In some parts of the Jarid and the Ziban were local elites who laid claim to vast gardens with thousands of date palms and extensive water rights. Secular oasis notables were mainly merchants, local representatives of the state, or sedentarized nomads who did not directly exploit their holdings but relied instead upon the khammas.

Sufi notables or members of saintly lineages might also hold in various ways or have access to large tracts of land and water rights. By the late nineteenth century, the Rahmaniyya and, in particular,. The process of accumulation by the major sufi orders occurred over several generations and may have been related to the gradual demise of traditional secular elites under the colonial regimes in both Algeria and Tunisia.

Thus, the real bases of power and wealth were land and, above all, water on the one hand and the social recognition of piety and religious learning on the other hand. Involvement in trade was important to social ranking mainly when the profits from commerce were used to acquire land and water or more land and water. The most equitable distribution of oasis resources was found once again in the Suf with its small family-owned and exploited gardens, a phenomenon probably related to the region's peculiar hydrology.

In contrast, many of the Wadi Righ's gardens were owned by surrounding nomadic peoples, such as the Awlad Mulat who employed khammas to cultivate their holdings. Yet the sedentary populations of Tuqqurt and Warqala cannot be characterized as "serfs" the term mistakenly used by nineteenth-century European accounts since they were not tied to the land.

Indeed, some of the Wadi Righ's cultivators periodically emigrated to more favorable parts of the Algerian southeast, particularly the Ziban, and in some cases to neighboring Tunisia. And relationships of production—or exploitation—between cultivator-sharecropper and nomadic landholders varied enormously from the somewhat subjugated peasantry of Tuqqurt to rather more equal partnerships between sedentary and pastoralist. What this imbrication of access to, and control over, resources meant was that struggles for power—local feuds, regional conflicts, or the more rare head-on confrontations with state authorities—involved both oasis sedentary populations and pastoralists.

This involvement was related in part to the fact that while membership in a lineage, whether real or "fictive," was the taproot of common identities, rights, and mutual obli-. The physical morphology of pre-Saharan cities and towns was, in large measure, a reflection of ethnicity, profession, or clan-based relations forged by the permutations of centuries of tribal settlements, of saintly inmigration from Morocco, and of the traffic in humans from the sub-Sahara.

Biskra furnishes a model for social arrangements in the pre-Sahara on the eve of the French conquest. The city was divided into five factions, each having its own quarter, mosque, and gates into the gardens. One of the five main residential sections was further divided into seven smaller neighborhoods, each housing a different socioethnic group: the dar al-'abid was inhabited by sub-Saharan Africans; the dar al-haddad was occupied only by ironsmiths, universally regarded as pariahs due to their profession; another subquarter housed kin groupings of holy men of Moroccan ancestry.

A second principal quarter, bab al-khaukha , or "gate of the peach trees," was made up of yet another saintly lineage and their khammas; a third section of the city was inhabited exclusively by those of mixed Turco-Arab descent, the consequence of the Ottoman garrison established in Biskra.

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The secular shaykhs of Biskra were always chosen from the Turco-Arab families. Other neighborhoods were inhabited by lineages from the Suf or Warqala, or by religious minorities, mainly the Mzabis and Jews. Nafta and Tuzar in the Tunisian Jarid displayed nearly identical patterns of ethnoresidential segregation which were not unlike those found in precolonial Tunis or Constantine. The basic unit within each quarter was the patrilineage, arranged according to households.

In Tuzar, composed of seven village groupings in the past century, the main conglomeration, madina Tuzar , was again divided into nine distinct sections. These were separated from one another by streets and alleys that constituted veritable frontiers in times of social conflict. In most, if not all of the oases, city quarters and factions were organized into two opposing leagues, sometimes called saffs.

These leagues were "diffused and abstract organizations, systems of political and antagonistic alliances, which may divide the village, the clan or even the family and which have. Thus, their function was to manage conflict and to equalize the balance of power or, more accurately, to minimize inequities in the exercise of force rather than to prevent the outbreak of strife per se. For more information about our use of data and your rights, please click here. We use cookies to offer you a better browsing experience, analyze site traffic, personalize content, and serve targeted advertisements.

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