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Rather, as Schmitt notes, whereas the latter never includes a right to resistance,[3] there was a right to resistance of the vassal that could be exercised through appeals to divine law as a set of spiritual values that all parties shared. The authority of the Catholic Church was a metaphysical one that allowed different groups to make their own appeals to this higher spiritual authority in order to justify their claims against political rulers.

But once this medieval unity of metaphysical conceptions broke down in the Reformation, Schmitt argues that the ensuing religious civil wars could only be ended through the establishment of a unified absolutist state whose main task was to guarantee the safety and security of its inhabitants. The jus publicum Europaeum was not characterized by a situation of peace but one of constant albeit limited wars.

Sovereignty, Democracy, and the Political Geography of Europe

Instead, wars became a form of diplomacy that states only conducted against similarly organized states and were not meant to upset the existing state order. They followed rules of warfare that resembled the conventions of duels and were fought for limited goals. Schmitt provides two different explanations for the stability of the jus publicum Europaeum , one based on rationality and the other on myth.

These separate explanations then lead to two different perspectives on its breakdown and two trajectories within which Europe stands today. First, Schmitt argues that the absolutist state originated out of fear. Once the religious civil wars began, the resulting destruction and chaos led to such fear that people sought safety and security at all costs. The state as order and commonwealth is the product of human reason and human inventiveness and comes about by virtue of the covenant.


This covenant is conceived in an entirely individualistic manner. All ties and groupings have been dissolved. Fear brings atomized individuals together. A spark of reason flashes, and a consensus emerges about the necessity to submit to the strongest power. But in spite of the fact that he focuses so much attention on the myth of the leviathan, he downplays the representational dynamic in his Hobbes book. Representation is nothing if it is not tutela praesens. That, however, can only be attained by an effectively functioning mechanism of command. Schmitt notes that in order to maintain the stability of the state and its unified conception of politics and religion, Hobbes introduces a distinction between the inner and the outer self, the private belief and the public confession.

As Schmitt points out, this private freedom eventually undermines the authority of the sovereign when the private sphere begins to include religious and party-political commitments that reintroduce the metaphysical conflicts that motivated the religious civil wars. Italy has become one of the key countries in controlling migration flows toward Europe, [8] despite being unprepared to play this role.

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This has produced a negative impact on Italian immigration and integration policies, as well as on border control management. In short, for nearly four decades, Italy has addressed the migration phenomenon mainly through emergency measures, rather than through long-term, structured policies. A number of intermediary bodies e.

However, for the past several years combating irregular migration has been a crucial issue not only for Italy but also for other Mediterranean countries, such as Spain, Cyprus, Greece, and Malta. Previously, their external migration policies had been focused on Libya, Tunisia, and Morocco, from which the majority of irregular flows usually began.

Besides bilateral cooperation agreements, significant initiatives at the European level were necessarily adopted, as well as other cooperation tools between the European Union and third countries. During the past few years, the Italian government has signed a series of bilateral agreements with immigrant source countries, and has, at the same time, supported initiatives by Brussels aimed at improving the effectiveness of migration policies.

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In December , for example, Italy and Libya signed an agreement to pursue cooperation in migration management on the sea. However, this agreement, which entered into force in , yielded no concrete results until six years later, with the signing of the Benghazi agreement. The latter agreement entrusted the border control system to Italian companies, which were tasked with stanching the flow of migrants into Libya; and committed Rome and Tripoli to preventing the root causes of this migration.

Yet, by the time of the fall of the Qaddafi regime and the consequent geopolitical chaos, this collaboration had yielded mixed results, at best. Due to its geographical location, recently Italy has been particularly exposed to migration flows across the Mediterranean Sea. The number of people arriving in the country was 22, in , 20, in , and 37, in Migration flows decreased to 13, in ; climbed to 43, in ; and then soared to , in the first nine months of and over one million in This phenomenon was accompanied by sizable, tragic loss of lofe: more than 10, deaths since and more than 3, in alone.

It is also important to remember the Lampedusa tragedy, which occurred in October , when nearly migrants [11] —the majority from Eritrea—died. This tragic episode led to the launch in Italy of operation Mare Nostrum , which began in October , and involved an impressive employment of human resources and technology. More than military personnel served daily in this operation, along with Red Cross and specialized social and health workers.

Political Geography to end

The economic balance for Italy was quite important: the country spent billion Euros over one year, or about 9. There were more than operations, smugglers were arrested, 6 ships seized and , people rescued. The United Nations paid tribute to Italy for its efforts, but at the same time the country was left to its own devices by other E.

The Emerging Political Geography of Europe

The scenario is further complicated by the latest issue: the Common European Asylum Policy. Especially within the last decade, the Dublin Regulation has remained active only in its formal aspects, on the basis of a tacit compromise between E. Mediterranean and Continental countries. This "Cited by" count includes citations to the following articles in Scholar.

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