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By late it was! Perhaps the most significant reason for governance failure within the Irish banking sector lies here; supervisory and governance structures were in place but they were simply not implemented. For example on-site inspections were a rarity and there existed a cultural belief within the banks that regulators were reluctant to impose penalties — indeed when major questions around governance were asked no penalties at all were imposed on banks.

These banks found it increasingly difficult to raise funds on bond markets and on September 29, , two weeks after the collapse of Lehman Brothers, the senior management of the largest Irish banks turned up at government buildings looking for help. Anglo Irish Bank was losing deposits and running out of eligible collateral to be used to borrow from the ECB. Anglo was possibly days away from defaulting on its liabilities and the other banks were extremely concerned about the impact on their operations if such a default was to occur.

What exactly happened during the meetings that took place between the bankers, the politicians and staff from the Department of Finance and Central Bank, is still unclear. Indeed, there are ongoing calls in Ireland for an official investigation into the details of these meetings. What we do know is that on the morning of September 30, , the Irish public awoke to find out that the government had provided a guarantee for almost all of the existing and future liabilities of the domestic Irish banks.

The guarantee was to run for two years, meaning any default on bank liabilities that occurred during that period would be covered for by the Irish government. Many felt that this guarantee was too generous and that perhaps the bondholders should have been burnt in the process. Pressure from Europe may have prevented this. A fiscal crisis and massive budgetary consolidation Property related taxes had been a major contributor to the Exchequer, but after the crash this income vanished as the property market went into near stagnation for nearly 5 years.

This meant severe budgetary deficits that will take until to balance. The scale of these budgetary deficits meant that, despite the low starting level of debt, the Irish government realised quickly there was no room for discretionary fiscal stimulus to ease the effects of the severe downturn. Instead, from late onwards, there has been a series of contractionary budgets. Public sector pay has been cut by significant amounts, income taxes and VAT rates have been raised, non-welfare current spending has been cut back and capital spending has been slashed.

The subsequent adjustments for and were of similar size. A residential mortgage crisis Ireland also has a burgeoning mortgage crisis with levels of arrears that far outstrip every other country in Europe. By the end of , almost one in five mortgages on primary residences was in arrears, with most of these over 90 days in arrears and a growing number falling ever further behind. There is also a substantial stock of buy-to-let mortgages that were performing even worse than those backed by primary residences.

Most of these mortgages in arrears are also in negative equity, many significantly so. While the Financial Measure Programme Report from published by the Central Bank provided detailed estimates of the losses likely to be incurred on mortgage books, this report assumed that unsustainable mortgages would quickly be dealt with via a wave of repossessions.

As of mid, there are signs that the banks are finally making some progress to restructure unsustainable mortgages but, until this process is further advanced, it will be difficult to estimate the full scale of mortgage-related losses. The revised Code came into effect on 1st January The Code sets out minimum statutory requirements on how credit institutions and insurance undertakings should organise the governance of their institutions.

The key objective of the Code is to facilitate good corporate governance in those institutions which fall within its remit. The main changes to the Code are:. While these measures were welcomed by the business world, the insurance sector felt hard done by as it did not cause the crisis, so why should it be penalised as a consequence. The seminar saw a good turnout, representing a mix of private and public sector participants, including analysts, academia, as well as other regional policymakers. While there was a period of economic consolidation after a sharp negative shock, including painful policy adjustments, the region has made substantial progress in rebuilding the foundations for growth and stability through extensive reforms, such as in the corporate and financial sectors.

On the policy front, affected economies undertook policy reforms such as developing a more robust monetary policy framework and strengthening regulatory and supervisory oversight of the financial sector. Looking ahead, the outlook for the region remains challenging, given the tension between short-term growth and financial stability objectives at a time when policy space has generally narrowed. In the medium term, Dr Khor highlighted the need to strengthen regional financial safety net, while remaining steadfast in accelerating structural reform agenda to ensure continuous income convergence in the longer term.

The financial and fiscal crisis, although it demonstrates features that are similar to those in the past, has been much greater in its severeness and intensity. In terms of falling output and rising unemployment, it has proved to be the most serious recession since the war. Without the creative monetary and fiscal policy tools applied in the European Union or in the US, China and Japan, the meltdown of the global financial system could hardly have been avoided. Global leaders have recognized that further systemic shocks could severely challenge even political stability.


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The recent global financial crisis demonstrated some new factors in terms of its roots: widespread implementation of complex and nontransparent financial instruments, the high level of national and cross-border interconnectedness of financial markets, banks and institutions, the high degree of leverage of financial institutions and the role of the household sector.

Owing to the interconnected nature of the global economy, crises can spread beyond national borders. Globalization has also resulted in an increased interdependence of production and delivery systems as well as a globalized financial system. It is a key responsibility for governments to manage new crises while building resilience to shocks at all levels.

This chapter discusses the different practices in dealing with the recent financial crisis of highlighting the way monetary policies can adapt to its changed nature and complexity. The new risk management, however, should focus on strategies that take place before an event occurs. The author used the literature review and analysis; therefore, the author collected data from diverse sources, including books, journals, newspapers, conference papers, reports from international organizations, government policy records and websites.

It is not a simple presentation of such materials, rather the author integrated different arguments systematically and developed critical assessments of their meanings and value. Hazards including industrial accidents, natural disasters, terrorist attacks, infection, refugee crises and financial threats have a cardinal feature in common: their socioeconomic impacts spread fast across borders, making modern societies vulnerable to a wide range of large-scale shocks. Innovative crisis management responses became vital, which was the case in coping with the consequences of the global financial crisis of To design such plans, it is necessary to study past events and draw the conclusions and the lessons, which could function well for routine events.

The term is based on an ancient saying which presumed black swans did not exist, though the observation of a single black swan was enough to disprove that belief in the seventeenth century. The metaphor also sheds light on the fragility of any system. Humans tend to find oversimplified explanations and later convince themselves that these events are explainable in hindsight.

Analyzing black swan events, however, helps us to gain a better understanding why certain events are recurring in history and what consequences they have. The concept of resilience applied to societies, businesses, infrastructure, services and financial systems requires strong governmental or central bank commitment under fast-changing economic and social conditions which create higher probability for unexpected and uncommon crises. The Great Recession was triggered by a bubble in housing and derivatives, which became entangled in the financial markets.

Derivatives built on mortgages spread quickly and became the new, attractive thing that everybody wanted. Based on mortgages, there were so many of them available that when the prices were bid upward with supply lagging, a bubble was formed. When the real estate market collapsed in , large amounts of mortgage-backed securities and derivatives declined sharply in value, jeopardizing the solvency of over-leveraged banks and financial institutions.

Tulip bulbs became extremely valuable as the rich bid up their prices in the belief that there would always be a market for the exotic tulips, no matter how high their prices soared. A speculative bubble is usually triggered by the prospect of a greater profit and exaggerated expectations of future growth, rise in prices or other events that could result in an increase in asset values.

This pushes up trading volumes, while supply remains at about the same level but demand increases. Value is what someone is willing to pay for. The Greater Fool Theory of investment suggests that someone is sure to seek your appreciated item, no matter how high its price is at the moment, and willing to pay an even greater price for it later on. When the Greater Fool stops being the Greater Fool and prices are too high for the market to be sustainable, the bubble bursts. A crash is inevitable as the bubble must go down. Burst of financial bubbles that brought underlying economic problems to the surface developed into a financial and economic crisis at global level in The financial crisis turned into a debt crisis and a euro crisis.

Crisis Management and Resolution : Early Lessons from the Financial Crisis

There were three main factors existing in the precrisis period that resulted in the escalation of the economic and financial crisis in the Eurozone. The economic situation within the euro area in — stemmed from its vulnerability and fragility owing to its architecture. The phenomenon that bank portfolios from the Northern part of the euro area were diverted toward the periphery of economies in Southern-Europe strengthened risk. Low nominal interest rates and easy access to credit-fostered demand and inflation reducing real interest rates, which had destabilizing effects such as housing booms accompanied with an increase in investment of nontradable construction or high government borrowing.

This process ended up in cumulating current account deficits and external liabilities. At the union level, the crisis has highlighted that institutional reforms are necessary to implement for two main reasons. One is that the euro area should develop effective mechanisms of fiscal supervision and policy coordination to prevent a crisis as severe as the recent one from occurring in the future. The other is: should a recession occur in any EMU country, it is important to stop its escalation in the particular country and its contagion to other countries.

The starting point of his analysis is stable equilibrium with the aim of identifying the economic factors arising from the economy itself that destroy the equilibrium and lead to evolution. Contrary to Keynes, Schumpeter presumed that in the circular flow, there is a constant tendency toward an equilibrium which, under competitive capitalism, tends to maintain the optimal allocation of available capital and labor.

It is basically entrepreneurial demand that determines the credit supplied by the banks; consequently, the money supply is an endogenous variable. Minsky regarded, however, financial innovations produced by financial institutions as the source of financial fragility, which lead to financial crisis and instability. Schumpeter contrarily stated that innovation was the main source of stability. Minsky concluded that Schumpeterian entrepreneurship, evolution and change are the most evident in banking and finance, where the drive for profits is the clearest factor to make a change [ 3 ].

Taylor [ 6 ] offered a framework for the analysis of historical policy and for the econometric evaluation of specific alternative strategies that a central bank can make. The framework links interest rate decisions directly to inflation and economic performance abstracting from a detailed analysis of the demand and supply of money. These reactive rules facilitate the discussion of systematic monetary policy.

The question arises if the recent business cycles in the US and Japan can be explained on the basis of the Austrian business cycle theory ABCT since they display some of its signs. ABCT suggests that an economic boom is sustainable if it is the result of an increase in investment funded by an increase in saving, while an economic boom which stems merely from credit expansion is not sustainable.

Excessive growth in bank credit is owing to the artificially low interest rates set by a central bank or through expansionary monetary policy. These interest rates are below the rate of the market for loanable funds that supply and demand clear. As a result, the information embedded in market prices or interest rates is distorted. Entrepreneurial decisions are affected, which causes a misallocation of capital across the economy and the credit-sourced boom results in a widespread malinvestment.

Consequently, a sustained period of low interest rates and excessive credit creation leads to an unstable imbalance between saving and investment.

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The boom fed by the credit expansion turns to recession when the money supply contracts and eventually resources are reallocated back toward their former uses [ 7 ]. Taylor [ 8 ] argued that between and , the US monetary policy was far more accommodate than an approach based on an interpretation of inflation and output data would have called for. White and other Austrians predicted that a burst of an asset bubble, specifically, the real estate bubble would trigger a crisis while forecasts of some non-Austrian economists, such as Nouriel Roubini and Stephen Roach focused more on macroeconomic imbalances such as the current account deficit or the federal government debt [ 9 ].

Monetary policy is supposed to support the objectives of general economic policy for the purpose of achieving sustainable growth and a high level of employment. Inflation-targeting framework ITF sets two goals. While the ITF can greatly promote attaining the first goal, attaining the second provides more room to debates. It is widely agreed that central bank transparency can make the policy more effective. The only way for central banks to earn credibility is to demonstrate that they have the tools and the willingness to curb inflation and to keep it low for a period of time [ 11 ].

Global financial crisis: Lessons for India from the 2008 crisis and beyond

In addition, the element of discretion provides the central bank with the capacity to pursue other political objectives thought necessary in a certain case without compromising the attainment of the stated goal. Public expectation from the central bank should be met, by suggesting that the bank has the power to expand or contract the money supply, to raise or to sink interest rates, to impose exchange controls, to alter the level of obligatory reserves, to alter the classes of assets and the conditions of granting access to discount facilities and to impose new bank regulations.

Both critics and supporters of the ITF, including Kohn [ 12 ], Friedman [ 13 ] and Svensson [ 14 ] claimed, however, that the ITF does not constitute best-practice in resolving the question of other goals such as real and financial stability. Nevertheless, stabilizing inflation is the best way to achieve that goal. The conduct of economic and financial policies is strongly affected by the substantial implications of financial crises. A thorough analysis of the consequences of and best responses to crises has become an integral part of the policy debates. Crises manifest the linkages between the financial sector and the real economy.

Theories focusing on the sources of financial crises have recognized the importance of sharp movements in asset and credit markets. A financial crisis often occurs together with one or some of the following phenomena: a remarkable change in credit volume and asset prices, disruptive financial intermediation, immense balance sheet problems of firms, households, financial intermediaries and sovereigns or significant government support in the form of liquidity support and recapitalization.

The question may arise why neither financial market players nor policy makers anticipated the risks and tried to slow down the expansion of credit and increase in asset prices.

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Such phenomena have been around for centuries. Asset prices sometimes deviate from what fundamentals would suggest and move differently from the patterns of standard models. Information asymmetries exist among intermediaries and in financial markets. Safety deserves a premium, and perverse spirals can be created. When the demand for quality assets increases, some of the lower quality may experience a sharp decline in their prices. The crises in the past exhibit the signs of those of recent recessions when the collapse of banking systems was preceded by a sharp increase in credit in real estate investment.

The East Asian financial crisis, for instance, in the late s is similar to the ones in the Northern countries. The experience of the United States in the Great Depression shows some similarity to the way leading to the recent global financial crisis in terms of an increase in household leverage or asset prices. Credit booms can be triggered by a wide range of factors, for example, shocks such as positive productivity shocks, economic policies and capital flows.

Lagged GDP growth is positively associated with the probability of a credit boom. Increases in international financial flows can strengthen the credit booms. Global conditions also affect the national financial markets resulting in asset bubbles easily spill across borders. Capital inflows can extend the availability of funds for banks leading to relaxing credit constraints for corporations and households. Accommodative monetary policies have been connected to credit booms and excessive risk taking. Risk-taking is usually higher when interest rates are lower and a shift to quality, when interest rates rise.

The rapid increases in real estate prices and household leverage are explained by the relatively low interest rates in the US during the period — Structural factors such as financial liberalization and innovation facilitate more risk-taking and can also trigger credit booms. Empirical studies found that crises were often preceded by financial liberalization.

Shocks or liberalization keeps innovation in move. Regulation, supervision and market discipline are not quick enough to catch up with greater competition and innovation. Vulnerabilities in credit markets can emerge. A decline in lending standards owing to stronger competition in financial services may contribute to financial fragility in the short run in particular. During financial crises, asset prices and credit booms and busts differ from the movements of a normal business cycle: booms are shorter and more intense than other upturns, and crunches and busts are longer, deeper and more violent than regular downturns.

The violent episodes last longer [ 15 ]. Reinhart and Rogoff [ 16 ] distinguished two groups of crises, both including two types. The first group is classified on the basis of quantitative definitions, and the other depends mainly on qualitative and judgmental analysis. Currency crisis and sudden stop belong to the first group since these are measurable variables and allow the use of quantitative methodologies.

Other crises are connected to adverse debt dynamics or banking system turmoil. Since these variables are not easy to measure, the use of qualitative methodologies is more appropriate. When a country cannot service its foreign debt, the financial crisis takes the form of a sovereign or private or both debt crisis. In a systemic banking crisis, bank runs and failures can make the banks suspend the convertibility of their liabilities or force the government to intervene to prevent that by extending liquidity and capital assistance on a large scale.

Research that has been conducted on the causes of the recent crisis revealed some factors similar to previous crises. Although these factors may differ on the exact weights in different results features concluded in common are as follows: unsustainable asset price increases, credit booms leading to excessive debt burdens, build-up of marginal loans and systemic risk, and that regulation, supervision, and market discipline is too slow to catch up with greater competition and innovation.

Nonetheless, the recent global financial crisis demonstrated some new factors in terms of its roots: widespread implementation of complex and nontransparent financial instruments, the high level of national and cross-border interconnectedness of financial markets, banks and institutions, the high degree of leverage of financial institutions and the role of the household sector.

Restoring confidence in the financial system, if possible at all, required immense government participation, outlays and guarantees. As for real and financial implications, they are hard and show common features with other episodes. They include large output losses and declines in consumption, investment and industrial production.

Financial crises have large economic costs. The average duration is longer, and output losses are larger than those of a recession not triggered by a financial crisis. So is the cumulative loss, the output loss relative to the peak before recession. Various approaches are used for measuring the real impact of a crisis on output.

Adding up differences between trend growth and actual growth for some years after the crisis can show overall losses, which vary in different countries. On this basis, according to Laeven and Valencia [ 17 ], emerging markets tend to suffer larger losses due to the recent crisis than advanced economies, which can also differ significantly. An indication of the significant costs that crises incur is consumption and overall welfare. In recessions associated with financial crises, a fall in consumption is 7—10 times larger than in those without such crises in emerging markets and consumption still keeps growing, though at a slower pace [ 18 ].

Financial variables show with large downward corrections.