Format: Kindle Edition Verified Purchase. It has now been two hours since I finished the last page of this three volume trilogy. How do I even begin to describe the emotional impact?
Chanson de L'Ange
Yes, but these adjectives don't really express the sublime beauty to be found in this retelling of Christine and her beloved Erik. I've read many Phantom based novels and without doubt Ms. Stewart's works are among the best of the best. The writing is powerful.
Seldom have I grown attached to characters so realistic I feel as if I personally know them and seldom have I shed so many tears over the fate of fictional characters as I did during the third volume. Can love be so deep, so passionate, so true it transcends death to endure throughout eternity?
I believe it can, and I have no doubt Ms. Stewart does also. Well done, Ms. Brava I feel I would be remise if I did not mention an aspect of this series that as far to my knowledge, has never been done with any other Phantom based novel, or any book for that matter and that is the creation of a musical soundtrack that accompanies a novel. It is a brilliant idea and one that perhaps Ms. Stewart should copyright. The music mentioned in this trilogy has been recorded and brought to life so that the reader can actually hear it performed.
99 Best phantom books images in | Phantom of the Opera, Music of the night, Musical theatre
All selections are original and gorgeous compositions, and are an extremely effective way to help set tone and ambiance. Stewart's webpage so I could hear it for myself. I believe Ms. Stewart is planning to release the soundtrack as a CD but I don't think it is available for purchase at this time. Stewart's trilogy of novels is filled with rich description and wonderfully-developed, believable characters. In book 1, we learn of the circumstances that brought Christine and Erik, The Phantom, to the opera house, how he became her "Angel of Music," and the development of the strong, emotional bond between them as Christine came to rely more and more on her "Angel's" guidance and support.
As Christine grows from a child into a beautiful young woman, the arrival of a childhood friend, Raoul, causes Erik to face the true nature of his feelings for Christine and his fear that she will no longer need or want her "Angel. If you love the Phantom of the Opera, do yourself a favor and treat yourself to this trilogy. You won't be sorry. Christine daae was a orphan ready to die intell her angle of music come Eric saved Christine from her solitude and was a father to Christine intell Christine was 17 then he was no longer her father he was the phantom of the opera.
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Get to Know Us. Amazon Payment Products. English Choose a language for shopping. The time is past when, in this country, it can interfere with the political beliefs of its members. They will remain subject to her on matters of religion, but will not brook interference with their rights as citizens. The church, through the archbishop, has attempted to punish Dr. McGlynn as a criminal. It has made him a hero. If Father McGlynn has no right to participate in political affairs, Archbishop Corrigan certainly has not, as both are priests of the same church and are bound by the same rules.
I begin to think that the Catholic religion is a farce or a comedy, with Drs. Corrigan and McGlynn and Mr. O'Donoghue in the leading parts. The comedy opens with Mr. O'Donoghue that while he has grown gray in the Catholic church he has also grown rich, and has lost nothing by being a director of the Catholic institution. Then Father Preston informs Mr. O'Donoghue that that was not true, that the priests would vote for Mr. Then Mr. O'Donoghue's friendship he thought it best to suspend Dr. It has got to be a cold day when Tammany heelers can run the Catholic church.
I think this is a disgrace to the Catholic church. McGlynn is the purest man in the world, and this persecution is a shame and a disgrace. Detroit, Mich. McGlynn has brought about, and I believe it was heaven inspired. The curse we suffer has been brought to the foreground from Maine to California and from the lakes to the gulf, and that has been accomplished in weeks which would have taken mouths, possibly years, to have accomplished in any other way. Now every one is taking a part in the controversy, and those who do not understand the details of the arguments for making land common property are industriously searching for them.
But let it be granted that a priest with a good cause goes to Rome, that he succeeds in his case against his bishop, and that he is restored to all his priestly powers—what has he gained? He is simply in a far worse position than he was before his suspension. Rome has spoken, certainly; but Rome is a long way from New York. Few Catholic laymen, and certainly no Protestant, can possibly understand the working ACatholic ecclesiastical government. The power of a Catholic bishop is practically numbered.
His power to act in the most arbitrary manner, to crush, to inflict the keenest pain, to break down the spirit and health of those under his control, may each and all be exercised without even the least public suspicion of injustice. The unhappy priest would soon find his mistake. Better far for him to have borne the in justice in silence and submitted quietly to his wrongs. He is now a marked man. Every priest in his diocese is well aware he is under episcopal displeasure, notwithstanding his success.
Whatever his own private feelings may be, no priest will date to show him sympathy or brotherly friendship. The Catholic laity are against him also, and it is hard to say whether his case is made better or worse by Protestant sympathy or Protestant censure. The pope is far away and the bishop is a living and ever present power. The authorities of the propaganda, where all these cases are decided, are very careful not to censure bishops; above all, they will receive interfere with the discipline of a diocese.
Thus a decision in the case of a priest or a religious order, which is adverse to the decision of the bishop of the diocese is practically void. It is even worse than useless, because it still leaves the person or religious order subject to the very individual against whose injustice complaint has been made. It depends on the bishop to increase or decrease the supplies. He is the local governor, the diocesan pope. It has always been the policy, and the wise policy, of the holy see to uphold all authority derived from itself.
The consequences do not need comment. God help the victims. Even in this country there is evidence that the above assertions have not been made without sufficient ground. There was a strong feeling that a priest like Dr. McGlynn, whose ecclesiastical career was well known to have been one of great personal parity and great devotion to the poor, should, on that account, have met with special political mistake, or fail momentarily in obedience, his past life should have saved him, if not from public condemnation, at least from personal insult.
But Monseigneur Preston has blurted out the naked truth. Obedience to whom and obedience to what? Christ's gospel is full of tenderness and [text missing] for individual souls; even to scandalize [text missing] one is written down to be a new gospel. The monseigneur has left no doubt of his meaning. It is necessary to compel obedience to the commands of the church even at the cost of the sufferings of the souls of thousands of individuals.
It may be predicated of this, as of most general propositions, that it is both true and false. Catholic theology teaches that we may not tell a lie, even if by lying we might save a million of souls from the eternal fires of hell. Yet there are a good many ways of telling the truth. There are circumstances in which ecclesiastical discipline must be maintained at any cost of individuals; but God will surely judge those who have made such ecclesiastical discipline necessary. The Catholic church could not give Henry VIII leave to commit adultery, and it is a favorite way of accounting for the Reformation in England to say that the national apostasy was caused by this refusal; yet, as an individual.
Henry VIII could have done nothing. He needed the support of a nation for his change of religion, and he never could have obtained the support of nation if that nation had not been ready to renounce a faith for which it had little respect. Was it the fault of the faith? By no means. It was the fault, and the grievous fault, of priests and monks and friars and laymen who gave public shame and scandal by their evil lives. If the bishops of the Catholic church had firmly suppressed Tetzel's sinful traffic in indulgences, Luther could never have revolted, and therefore could never have accomplished his information.
If the bishops of the Catholic church in England had not oppressed and taxed the poor and fawned upon the rich: if they had not allowed the monastic houses vowed to poverty individually to accumulate enormous wealth collectively, England would still be Catholic. When the church emerged from the catacombs her danger began. The danger to the Catholic church in America today is its enormous wealth, its unbounded political influence, and its social success.
It is supposed to be the church of the poor: but one davit will be known how the poor have looked to it in vain. If a saint came today and cried, like John the Baptist, to prepare the way of the Lord by the practice of charity, poverty and evangelical virtue, he would be silenced as a disobedient subject and persecuted to his death.
I yield to no man in my regard for the rights of property, but I respect also the rights of the poor. I do not believe in upholding law and order for the rich alone. I am not concerned to defend Henry George either in his politics or his religion. I have no personal knowledge of him, nor have I read his hooks; but justice is justice. He has been accused all round of attacking the Catholic church. Attacking the church means attacking, condemning or criticizing the doctrines of the church.
I fail to see that Henry George has done this. But attacking. The Catholic canonized saints have done this but they have had the courage of saints. They were persecuted during their lives by bishops and priests, but they were canonized after personal feelings and bitterness had passed away by the very successors of these ecclesiastics. Proof of the above assertion could be easily given, and a glance at the life of any Catholic saint would be sufficient. It is not so many years since an apparition of the Blessed Virgin accredited by the church appeared in France, and one of the many revelations made was a strong denunciation of the selfishness and sins of priests.
Catholic ecclesiastics denounce Garibaldi, Cavour and Ferry, but they forget that it was when they had the fullest power in France, Italy and England that these countries ceased to be Catholic. It was Catholics who turned against the pope. No bishop, no priest, is personally infallible.
It is a device of the devil to cover sin when men try to hide the evil deeds which they do, or shelter them under the pretext that to condemn evil is to condemn the church. There is a time when silence becomes a participation in crime, and when men can only save the church which they love by denouncing the dangers which threaten its or its progress. Shall the ecclesiastical machinery of the Catholic church be used, with the machinery of corrupt politics, to perpetuate the system of industrial slavery that has been put in operation in this country, after the models of the old world? McGlynn, standing for progressive political principles and for an enlightened Christianity, says no, he will not be a party to those oppressions!
Down with the traitor to. American free institutions, be he prelate or politician! McGlynn has shown himself I to be pro-eminently the opposite, the uncompromising opponent of all such, and he should have the moral and substantial support of every true American. The non-interference of any ecclesiastical power in politics is part and parcel of the American citizens bill of rights. In so far as Dr.
McGlynn may have made himself liable to discipline for any disobedience to the proper functions of church authorities, the archbishop's position is, no doubt, defensible. That is a matter which concerns Catholics. But to the extent that any authority of the church of Rome undertook to dictate the political opinions of the priest or to prevent the free exercise of all his rights as an American citizen, the American spirit and opinion is with the priest and the sentiment that Dr. McGlynn has so forcibly expressed is the true republican sentiment.
The Churchman, commenting upon the newspaper assertions that the Standard had committed suicide by its course with regard to Dr. McGlynn, says:. Is it openly avowed that hereafter, Americans must, look to the Vatican for a mot d'ordre before making up their minds on a political issue? Is the next president of the republic most to foreign aggression. George whatever his political heresies in other respects, has shown a remarkable sagacity as to two all important signs of the limes, and it may be that he will compel the cowardly and venal hordes of party politicians to learn of him a lesson which it is rapidly becoming their interest to acquire.
The two points are these: First, that a foreign court is openly menacing fundamental liberties; and, second, that thousands of those on whom that court relies for servile submission ripening into Americans and are ready to resist its daring aggressions. There are fools who delight in the exercise of this foreign influence, so long as, for experiment, the court of Rome exerts it in a line with their own sentiments. Americans allow the fullest liberty to its religion as a religion; but Rome as a foreign court is another thing, and millions of Roman Catholics in France and Germany have lived and died in conflict with that court on thevery grounds which Mr.
George has asserted, viz. George asserts that Dr. McGlynn and all other Roman Catholics have a right to be Americans and to vote as they may be pleased to vote, and he has had the good sense and the moral courage to assert that to sermon Dr. McGlynn to Rome to answer for his exercise of the elective franchise as a citizen, is a daring attack on American independence.
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Can any one deny the truth and moral power of this position? He thinks that thousands of Dr. McGlynn's co-religionists are prepared to stand by him in defying this impudent aggression. We trust it may prove so, and we thank him in so far, as the pioneer of a national movement that should no longer be deferred. McGlynn has thrown a bombshell into the camp of his enemies, and the explosion, if we may judge from the bowling of the camp followers, has been disastrous. We venture to think that the feeling of the reverend doctor's persecutors and assailant-s after reading his statement, was one of abject dismay at the magnitude of the proportions into which the issue they so unwisely challenged has developed.
They rashly imagined that it was a very simple and easy thing to crush a priest who had dared to cross their path, but they find themselves in deadly grip with a giant. They d id not pause to count the cost or calculate the chances of a conflict with such a man as Dr. McGlynn on such principles as those for which he stands to-day before his fellow citizens unconquered and unconquerable. Their position now that the light is fairly on.
It is as well that this fight should come on now as at any other time—perhaps better now. Sooner or later the labor party should have to face and crush the opposition of the men who have struck down Dr. McGlynn, or rather who have attempted to strike him down, for he is not yet down, and we are well convinced that contending on the ground he occupies he never will be. Sooner or later the workingmen of America who have resolved upon the recovery of their rights in the land of their country would have to meet the issue now presented and to light the men who raise it.
It, is better that the question should be taken up now at the outset of the labor program and be settled once and for all, and not be left as a rock ahead threatening shipwreck to the movement at every stage. Let us fight it through now and be done With it and so clear the way for other and bigger work. The people of Ireland had the same sort of opposition to encounter at the commencement of their grand struggle which is now rapidly nearing a triumphant success. No sooner had the land league been organized for effective work than the ecclesiastical machine was set in motion in Rome to operate against the national movement and its leaders.
It is the same lesson and warning that rings out in Dr. McGlynn's triumphant statement American Catholic will brook no Roman interposition in their political affairs. They will insist on having and exercising to the full extent their rights as citizens, unfettered in the smallest degree by pope, propaganda, cardinal or bishop. The question whether they shall or shall not accept Henry George's principles on the land question is one for them and them alone to consider and decide upon. If they believe, as we think the vast bulk of them do, that Mr. George's; doctrine presents the only settlement- of the difficulty which lies at the root of our social troubles, they will not be deterred by any ecclesiastical censures or threatenings from co-operating to the utmost of their energies with the party which has made that doctrine one of the principal planks in its platform.
There is another thing that we are assured the Catholics of New York and of America will do. They will stand unflinching by Dr. McGlynn until this light is fought out to the bitter end, come weal or come woe. Never was there a nobler cause to uphold. Never was there a nobler. McGlynn has been true to the people as the needle to the pole. Never has he by a hairs breadth swerved in devotion to the right.
His great heart has taken all nations and all races within the boundless scope of its overthrowing sympathies.
The people he has loved and served and fought and sacrificed for will rally round him more enthusiastically and cling to him more fondly than ever, now that he is persecuted for their sake. All intelligent Catholic citizens of America who are not blinded by prejudice or partisanship must see that Dr.
McGlynn is fighting their fight. He denies the right of bishop, propaganda or pope to order him to Rome to answer for his speech or action in political affairs in America. So do we. We emphatically endorse his denial and we emphatically approve the stand he has taken. We are glad to find that the Catholics of New York are taking the right action.
Elsewhere we print an address from the committee appointed at the great Catholic meeting held at the Cooper Union on Jan. We adopt as our own every sentence in that address, and we earnestly commend to the sympathy of our readers the sympathy of our readers the appeal it makes. There is a conviction in the minds of hundreds of thousands of workingmen that these seven men did not have a fair trial.
Even if the jury was honestly impaneled, it was unduly influenced by the press and the excitement and prejudice which prevailed in Chicago. The anarchists should not have been tried in Chicago at all. It was impossible for them to have a fair trial in that city. We have already, in wrath and excitement, judicially murdered two persons.
Every middle aged person blushes when the name of Mrs. Surratt is mentioned. And if Garfield had been merely a blacksmith or a carpenter, Guiteau would have been sent to an insane asylum. Let us not repeat such blunders at a tune like this. A great conflict between the poor and the rich in this country has already commenced, and we should do all we can to confine it to the political arena. But the hanging of these men in Chicago will embitter it. The day they are executed thousand of men in our large cities will vow hatred and revenge. United Labor. At the last session of the New York county general committee of the united labor party William McCabe introduced resolutions approving of the great strike and pledging material and moral aid to the strikers.
Delegate Gottheil gave notice of a proposal to reconsider the platform. Delegate Leverson of the Sixteenth assembly district gave notice of several amendments to the committee's constitution, one being the election of officers and candidates on the system of proportional representation. Bogert; financial secretary, A. Johnson; corresponding secretary. William P. Hawkes, W. Gottheil and Thomas F. Kenny; sergeant-at-arms, John T. Some time ago the Central labor union of Kings county instructed their locals, which have been organized in nineteen wards, and the town of Flatbusb, to take action on the following and report at the nest union meeting.
It is also proposed to make it mandatory for all members who belong to any political organization to immediately withdraw therefrom- The Brooklyn Eagle promptly sounds Hie note of alarm, and suggests that the object is the defeat of the democratic party. Consequently they could not receive a renomination. The land and labor club in Albany is very prosperous. Its membership is increasing rapidly and public meetings are being held every second and fourth Saturday in the month, at which instructive addresses on economic topics are delivered. A library, consisting of popular works on political economy is shortly to be established, in order that a more thorough understanding of important social questions may be obtained.
A united labor party has been formed in Kansas City. Its first meeting was attended by 2, people, 1, of whom signed the roll. The platform pledges the signers to withdraw from both of the old parties, declares for the rigid enforcement of existing labor laws, for an eight-hour day, prohibition of child labor, abolition of the contract system on public works, discontinuance of contract prison labor for the weekly payment of wages, the abolition of conspiracy and tramp laws, and for a government currency without the intervention of banks.
The new party was organized a short time since, its leading lights being our best and most respected mechanics. From what we have been able to learn these gentlemen have been working quietly, but determinedly, using their every endeavor to form a nucleus which would soon attract to it the great body of Sandusky wage-workers.
It is a well-concerted movement, and include a number of large cities in Ohio; notably, Toledo, Cleveland, Springfield and Zanesville. For the past year there has been great industry manifested in organizing here and it is claimed that the new party will poll over votes out of a total of about 3,; that is to say, they have a membership of without counting upon outside sympathy.
The movement appears to be growing, and is exciting much apprehension among politicians. A meeting was recently held at Lewiston, Me. The platform adopted at that meeting and selections from the books and speeches of Henry George were read, after which a club was organized, with J. Elliott a s president, B. Murtis vice-president, F. Buttertield secretary, and W. Jewett treasurer. The united labor party of Cincinnati has asked for official representation at the polls at the spring election.
The board informed them that the appointments had been made for a year ending next September, and the present judges and clerks could not be removed; but if any vacancies should occur before the spring election, making necessary new appointments, the labor party would be recognized in such appointments. It was agreed, however, that if the labor party desired it, they should have representatives at the various polling places to watch the count. Robert Tompkins delivered an able address recently before Union assembly l He quoted figures to show that farmers and small property holders would be benefited by the destruction of land monopoly, while the bonanza farmers would be compelled to bear their fair share of the burdens of society.
The placing of taxation on land values would, he said, open up a broad avenue of escape to the helpless labor of the country. Below we give a few brief extracts from recent correspondence of the central committee, No. Crowell, Chester, Penn. Stewart, Warrensburg, Mo.
The present system of land-holding assuredly lies at the root of our social ills. Jewett, Portland, Me. Baldwin, Naugatuck, Conn. One thing is certain, something must soon be done to stem the tide of legalized robbery. The rank and file lack courage, but I see indications of a change for the better. We are ring-ridden and our press is no longer free. The most effective remonstrance that labor could make to its treatment by the newspapers would be the organization of a land and labor party in Brooklyn.
For my part, I am on the platform of right and justice as expressed in the Declaration of Independence. I believe that each child born has a perfect right to lite, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I do not believe that any nine men have the right to say that the tenth shall or shall not exist by reason of their possessing the land which is necessary to such existence, and I earnestly hope that our countrymen may be enabled to see this subject in such a light as to admit of its being settled, before it is too late, without resort to harsh measures.
There is a strong and growing sentiment here in favor of reform in land taxation. Andrew A. McDonnell, New Orleans, La. The men here are heart and soul in the great movement. Gilbert Seibert, Indianapolis, Ind. And there must be some arrangements made to get the farmers interested in the cause; for I believe that if we can get the land question before the farmers a n d the renters, they will surely come over to our side.
Lincoln, Zylonite, Mass. Heaven speed you in your efforts to strike the chains of party slavery from the limbs of the wage workers of our land. But we ought to have public speakers and lecturers. The reports from here will b y and by be very gratifying, depend upon it. Hollinger, Harrisburg, Pa,: The time is ripe for a proper agitation of the land question, and I believe that a great work can be done in this city and county.
If Tom L. Johnson was not going to leave the city we could run him for mayor and elect him. Middletown, N. Still, many who express sympathy with land reform seem unwilling to sacrifice their personalities, as they think they would, by actively espousing a cause that will merely set them up as a target for the arrows of a tory press.
The policy of the labor associations here is to use their vote simply to hold the balance of power. They do not take into consideration the immense following they could get outside of the labor organizations. The press in this section is almost solidly against us, suppressing and miscoloring facts, and even printing telegraphic news under false headlines. We have just voted for a library, with Henry George's works to begin with. I feel very much encouraged thus far in the movement, and look forward to a great work to be done in the near future. We want to take up a collection here for Father McGlynn.
There is widespread discontent here among both democrats and republicans. Owing to the illness of two of its members, the central committee has been compelled to postpone the conference for the l6th inst. The Louisville and Nashville railroad company carried down to Pensacola about seventy laborers, gathered up along the road, to take the places of colored longshoremen on strike. He will protect you. Syracuse, N. Pentecost in which he asks, What is the remedy for the laboring class?
There never has been any remedy nor never will be until the. This can only be through the ballot box. Otherwise there will be strikes, and rumors of strikes, until the end of time, with no particular good resulting from them. Anti-Mormon Laws. The acts of congress whose professed aim is the suppression of polygamy in Utah, are, of special legislation without a parallel in modem times.
To call attention to the chaotic condition of our marriage laws is to wander from the subject. To suggest the need of a a discussion of the relation of the sexes is proof of one's innate depravity.
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But facts cannot be always ignored. The Mormons had been driven out many times before plural marriage was ever known among them. Such marriage is even now practiced by not more than two per cent of the church membership, while but a small proportion of these have more than two wives. But this doctrine was avowed full ten years before congress took any notice of it, and then a law was passed in war times. The party that passed it did really nothing from to for its enforcement.
Polygamy was to be. Congress was besieged with petitions to deal with these Mormons, most of which came from ecclesiastical bodies or mass meetings presided over by some reverend gentleman. Congress obeyed. The most tyrannical of laws was passed , and it laughed at the idea that in this outside pressure was any of the spirit of persecution. That was possible only in the past ages. And as little as possible was said about the treatment of the Mormons from the time they began to preach their new religion. Know we not that they were driven from New York, Ohio, Missouri and Illinois the states now most in danger of military rule , leaving the homes they had built, the fields they had cultivated, the temples they had reared; then entering the wilderness, making roads, building bridges, fighting storms, treating with the Indians, and bowing in prayer morning and night, they had journeyed more than a thousand miles beyond civilization's furthest limits?
Their planned and built cities, sent out colonies, until the Mormon line of settlements became as an oasis in the desert. Over their first encampment floated the Stars and Stripes, and the beehive was their chosen emblem. Before long they petitioned congress for a transcontinental telegraph and railway, and their hands helped to stretch the wires and lay the rails! And this people are undeserving a place in the Union!
Utah's population is twice that of Nevada, and exceeded that of Kansas and Nebraska combined when these territories were formed into states. Of Utah's , population. But this minority is distinguished in certain ways. It fills nearly every position of influence and emolument from the governorship down. Of the two hundred saloons, billiard rooms and bowling alleys, but a dozen profess to be Mormon. All of the bagnios and other disreputable concerns are run and sustained by anti-Mormons. Ninety-eight per cent of the gamblers, and ninety-five per cent of the lawyers are of the outside element.
Eighty per cent of the litigation is from the same source. Ninety per cent of the suicides, and eighty per cent of the homicides and infanticides are non-Mormon. There are in Massachusetts four times as many convicts. Utah is in advance of the general average of the United States, in the enrollment of school population. The text-books in use are the same as else where, with this exception that no religious tenets, or religious exercises, are allowed in these public schools. Ninety-five per cent. Small divisions of land with high cultivation is the rule. There are 10, farms, containing an average of twenty-live acres each.
Cooperation is practiced to a greater extent among the Mormons than among any other people. In temperance reform they lead the world. There exists in Utah an unrestrained exorcise of faith and worship. The Mormon believes his creed based like the rest, on toe Bible ; has nothing to fear from a free rivalry with the creeds of Christendom, and the Mormon priesthood is unsalaried from the head of the church down. We entrust the execution of our laws to a governor with a bias, judges with a mission, and a host of United States officials, all hostile, as a rule, to the Mormons. Leagued with these are clergymen, lawyers and politicians.
This minority wants power over the majority, which outnumbers it ten to one. Utah's laws provide for minority representation, and long ago congress gave to this minority equal numbers on the juries. But this was not enough. The Edmunds law made the panel wholly anti- ormon, so that the polygamist could be tried by a court and jury composed wholly of his enemies.
But there is a special commission appointed by congress with powers and salary to match. This commission appoints registration and election officers, canvasses the returns and issues certificates of elections. It administers also a test oath to every voter, which disfranchises all polygamists without trial or hearing, even those who entered into polygamy before there was any law against it, and those who have ceased to practice it.
After having been thus stripped of his rights of citizenship, a polygamist is tried for a crime whose penalty is a line and several years' imprisonment, But the man that cohabits with more than one woman, if he own but one as his wife, enjoys his rights as a citizen and a member of society. While the man who is but a believer in polygamy is not allowed to serve as a juror, the man who, having one wife, lives in open and notorious adultery with another woman, is lit to serve as a juror in the trial of a polygamist.
NoUnited States official puts a spotter on his trail, or makes any effort to drag his deeds of shame and guilt before a judge and jury for investigation and punishment. But our families are dragged before commissioners and grand juries. Modest women are made to answer shamefully indecent questions as to the sexual relation of man and woman. Attempts are made to bribe men to work up cases against their neighbors. Most disreputable characters are employed to spy into men's family relations.
But the progress of the minority to power is not rapid enough even by these methods. It is now proposed that all the Mormon women shall be disfranchised. The perpetual emigrating fund company is dissolved. Showing all translations. Never display translations Registered users can choose which translations are shown. Pozytronowy czlowiek. Urzeczenie obrzydliwoscia Part 1 of 2.
Urzeczenie obrzydliwoscia Part 2 of 2. Die Wueste der gestohlenen Traeume. Nocna Krila. Ein gluecklicher Tag im Jahr Dunyali Istilacilar. Semya Zemli. Chelovek v labirinte. P'yer Bul' Pierre Boulle. Andre Norton. Bashnya Zanida. Spreg de Kamp. Stefan Vul. Roden sa mrtvima. A po nim wkracza drugi? Na scene wkracza zolnierz.